taught英文的八卦，YOUTUBE和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

我們的家教CJ要去美國讀文學博士學位，希望我幫他寫推薦信申請全額奬學金，我當下立刻二話不說幫他寫。兒子跟女兒看到我這樣做，就說：「爸爸你對CJ很好耶」

「那當然，因為我們也很幸運能有CJ當你們的家教啊，CJ也是我們的貴人啊」

CJ真的是很特別的家教，他在孩子還小的時候（7歲跟5歲），就給孩子注入了老靈魂，他會帶吉他來我們家彈披頭四的歌並且解釋歌詞中的詩意跟智慧給孩子，所以我在英文原文推薦信刻意置入一段speaking words of wisdom from the lyrics of let it be, 希望對方的文化水平可以看得懂我的幽默隱喻

而我們也是很特別的家長，因為我們回家時也常常看到他們三個窩在沙發上看netflix, 通常一般家長就會很火大付那麼錢是要你陪小孩看電視嗎？ 但高智慧如我立刻就察覺他們在看的節目是有教育意義的像是二戰歷史，像是Rosa Park人權事件，像是女權主義。

他讓小孩了解為什麼人要學習歷史，因為要從過去的錯誤中學習，確保種族歧視不會再發生，納粹的暴行不會再重覆。

我們因為太喜歡他的全方位教學，於是連續二年帶他一起去歐洲跟著我們全家去歐洲做生意。 當我們家長在各個城市做生意時，他並不只是個保姆，而是會刻意帶小孩們去大量的博物館跟藝廊，了解文藝復興這時期對於奠定歐洲在接下來五百年的科學超前其他地區的關鍵因素。

對我的小孩來說，CJ不只是個英文家教，而是人生導師，他會導讀動物農場並且跟他們解釋背後的含義。 會跟小孩在花神咖啡館一邊吃冰一邊解釋薩特在這間咖啡廳寫的《存在與虛無》這本偉大著作對於存在主義有多麼的重要。會在疫情時期跟他們分享卡繆的《瘟疫》裡的小人物的人性的光輝與醜陋，當時就跟現在一模一樣。會帶他們去諾曼第海灘，讓他們了解這個D day戰場對於現代世界的塑造有多麼重要。

我的孩子很幸運能遇到這樣優秀的大哥哥教會他們很多東西，我也像個慈父一樣，希望這個大兒子可以勇於去追求自己的熱情。

Savi看到我寫的文章後，驚呼：「爸爸，我不知道你的英文文筆竟然那麼好，幾乎快跟我一樣好了」

我聽了哈哈大笑：「兒子，你以後一定會比我還更好，但現在還是我比較強一點啦！再怎麼說老子也是個博士」

My name is John Lee and I am the CEO of JOLA INTERNATIONAL. A group that also owns Timeless Truth Mask, an internationally recognized face mask brand.

I am writing this recommendation letter on behalf of Ching-Jen Sun, whom I have known for 5 years and we all call him CJ. Initially I hired him as the English tutor for both of my children. However, I soon started to realize CJ is more than just an English tutor, his diversified interests sparked my children’s curiosity in various aspects in life. One day he would bring a guitar and speaking words of wisdom from singing along Beatle’s lyrics of “let it be” to my children, another day he would watch World War II documentary film with my children and explained to them why they should learn history, so that the atrocity of Nazi and racism should never be repeated.

As I got to know him better, I started to trust him more by weighing more educative responsibility on his shoulder. For business purposes, each year I would take the entire family touring around Europe for more than a month and CJ would travel with us and help me to babysit my children while I work.

However, CJ far exceeded my expectation as a babysitter, whichever city we went, every afternoon he would take them to the museum and art galleries, his vast knowledge of art and literature in different era never ceases to amaze me.

To my children, CJ is not only an English tutor, but rather a mentor. Regardless of my children’s precocious ages (11 and 9), he would ask them to read George Orwell’s 《Animal Farm》 and explained to them the philosophical context beneath the surface of the story. He would explain to them the significance of existentialism of Jean Paul Sartre as they sat under the balcony hood of Cafe de Fleur in Paris. He would take the kids to Normandy beach and taught them that was the battle field that defined the modern world.

During Covid-19, he would read Albert Camus’ 《La Peste》to my children and pointed out the similarity of humanity between past and present.

His diversified interests are not confined within literature world, as a good baseball pitcher and slugger himself, CJ often would take them out to play baseball and explained to them the beauty of baseball game.

Throughout the years my children and CJ had developed a very strong brotherhood and I feel compelled to recommend this bright, hard-working and courteous young man to your faculty as I have a very strong confidence that he would add extra aura to your team, as he had to mine.

I am confident that CJ Sun is a strong candidate for Fulbright grant for graduate study. If you have any doubt during the process of evaluation, please feel free to contact me.

John Lee
Ph.D
Founder & CEO of Jolab
Founder & CEO of Timeless Truth Mask

A talk to relatives and guests, and a testimony to God.
茂叔在女兒婚禮後，對親友的講話；給神一點榮耀。

Good afternoon, Malcohm and Valerie, relatives and friends. I am happy to meet the guests here and say something at the marriage of Phoebe and Clinton.
午安，親家老爺和奶奶，各位親戚朋友, ，我很高興在這裡見到各位。

We are a Christian family. Our first pastor told us, God did not look at passports when He accepted Christians. Well, God might have been foretelling us that our children-in-law would be different from us.
我們全家信奉基督。我們的第一位牧師也曾教導，當上帝接受信徒時，不用檢視護照。當時，上帝可能已經預告，我們的女婿會來自其他地方。

A Chinese parent calls the daughter ‘the Pearl on the Palm”. Phoebe is precious and special. She is always motivated. She shone in studies, and I joke that even my proud self do not want to sit for the same professional examination alongside her. My wife demonstrated the utmost capacities of a mother. She taught Phoebe languages which she herself did not speak, brought Phoebe to dancing although she knew little dancing, coached Phoebe swimming, but she still does not swim well; and she learned martial art to mastery levels to keep our children company. I am sure that our daughter will excel both hardworking Papa and clever Mama in the coming years.
中國人稱女兒為“掌上明珠”。嘉儀既珍貴又特別。她永遠上進，成績優異，我曾開玩笑，即使我也不想和她考同場考試。我的妻子教育子女時，展現偉大的能力。她自己只會說中英文, 但她教嘉儀多種語言。雖然她不懂舞蹈，卻帶嘉儀跳舞。不精於水性，但教嘉儀游泳。習武精通，以陪伴孩子學習。我相信，我們的女兒，未來將比勤奮的爸爸和聰明的媽媽，更加出色。

Yes, Phoebe is a pearl in our family. And I heard that some fathers-in-law are difficult to be satisfied with the sons-in-law. I am different because I believe in my daughter. Clinton can charm Phoebe. So, Clinton is a Prince worthy of Phoebe.
嘉儀是我家的明珠。有人更說，岳父很容易覺得女婿不達標。我有點不同，因為我信任女兒。既然堅信可以吸引嘉儀，他自然是嘉儀的王子。

The Bible preaches that good children make parents proud. We knew how good our daughter is, but we were also concerned when she found Mr Right. My wife had prayed night after night that Phoebe met her good Christian prince before a certain age. When the calendar simply went beyond it, Karen kept praying. Later, when we learned that Phoebe was dating, we found that Phoebe and Clinton knew each other BEFORE the age for which Karen prayed. My friends, this is a good testimony on prayer. God knows what to do at the right time.
聖經說，好孩子使父母感到驕傲。我們知道我們的女兒出眾，但我們也很擔心，那時候她才找到另一半。我的妻子夜夜祈禱，嘉儀在一定年齡之前遇到了信靠基督的好王子，縱然日子過去，太太仍然繼續祈禱。後來，我們發現嘉儀在我的太所祈禱的年齡之前，就認識堅信。朋友，這是禱告的一個良好見證。上帝知道在正確的時間做什麼。

Now the bride and the groom leave nests of the parents to start your new family, as God so commanded. I would not try to lecture on the art of marriage. But I may share my promises to my wife when I proposed to her. I promised to treat her family well. I promised to listen to her. I promised to apologize to her for ANY ARGUMENT when we ever fall into one, whatever the logic or even facts are. I have kept the promises, and I am a happy man.
現在，新娘和新郎按照上帝的命令離開父母，開始新家庭。現在我不想冗長講解婚姻藝術，但卻會分享求婚時，我對女友的諾言。我答應好好對待她的家人。我答應聽她的話。我承諾，無論邏輯或事實如何，只要有任何爭論，我都會向她道歉。我一直信守諾言，而快樂常伴著我。

Clinton, please take good care of Phoebe. I am certain that you will congratulate yourself of so doing, based simply on my experience. Phoebe, please take good care of Clinton and his family. I am sure you will do so even without my reminder, as God commands us to love one another and especially the parents.
堅信，請照顧嘉儀。以我的經驗，我敢肯定，您將來一定因此而開心。嘉儀，好好照顧堅信和他的家人。我相信即使在沒有我的提醒，您也會這樣做，因為上帝命令我們彼此相愛，尤其是父母。

I started my private practice when Phoebe was 5 years old. It was extremely difficult. The tough exercise strengthened the bond between me and my wife. The trust in us was at a level way above that in families without hardship. Clinton and Phoebe, while stress is training sent from God, apparently smooth and affluent life may be a powerful temptation from Satan. God may not be particular about the form of tests He sends to us, but He watches our response. The 2 of you please treasure both difficult and good times and stand hand-in-hand together.
嘉儀五歲那年，我開始私人執業。日子非常困難。艱苦的生活，鍛煉我和我妻子之間的聯繫，提高我們的信任。堅信和嘉儀，壓力可能是是上帝的訓練，但生活順利富裕，卻可能是撒但的強大誘惑。上帝可能會隨意發出測試的形式，但他永遠著緊我們的回應。你們兩個人要同様珍惜困難和美好時光，並肩站在一起。

While Asia is thousands of miles physically away from England, we are a call or a click away. Families of the parents on both sides are always ready to help you. Karen and I pray for your new family, and we are sure that God will continue to guide you in the way ahead.
儘管亞洲與英國相距數千英里，但只是一個電話或一個點擊即可達到我們。雙方父母和家人隨時準備幫助你們。太太和我為您的家庭祈禱，我們確信上帝會繼續引導您前進。

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

外國人需要考大考嗎？學士班的外籍生是全英文上課的嗎？
我今天來回答大家好奇的這幾個問題～
也順便分享幾個有趣的故事... 像全台語上課這件事情🤪

Do foreigners have to take the standardized college exams in Taiwan?
Do undergraduate foreign students take classes all in English?
Today I'm answering some of those most commonly asked questions
I'll also be sharing a couple of interesting stories... like the professor who taught entirely in Taiwanese🤪

#台大 #大考 #大學生活

--------------------------------------
⭐合作信箱聯繫➔tristan@capsuleinc.cc⭐

--------------------------------------
每週三更新影片 New videos every Wednesday!

更多影片：
🔍️【TOPICS💡 一起坐下談】
https://bit.ly/3nJ76t4

🔍️【VLOGS！✈️ 生活跟我玩】
https://bit.ly/3vCt5Vj

🔍️【MUSIC ♫ 音樂館 ♬】
https://bit.ly/3aYSRLK

-----------------------------------
【崔璀璨 Tristan H.】
YouTube頻道➔ http://www.youtube.com/yakitorisutan
Facebook粉專➔ https://www.facebook.com/yakitorisutan
Instagram主頁➔ https://www.instagram.com/yakitorisutan

同學期待的政治英文影片第一集總算出爐了! 在此先聲明，我跟Howard老師純粹是分析英文，兩位總統都是神人級的第二語言使用者! 此影片的目的不在於比較兩者的英文能力，而是提供學習者英文口語的實際操作和可以注意的小細節。 以下是影片中提到的一些資訊，請看完再發表評論:

馬英九（1950年7月13日－），中華民國政治人物，曾任中華民國第12、13任總統、國民黨主席等職。畢業於國立台灣大學法律學系，其後前往美國深造，獲紐約大學法學碩士學位，哈佛大學司法學博士學位。曾經擔任蔣經國總統的英文翻譯。

影片: https://youtu.be/lRACKQkgFqc?t=32
Former President of Taiwan Ma Ying-jeou, in conversation with Jerome A. Cohen, discusses student exchanges between Germany and France.

●沒有看稿子
●非常有經驗的講者
●發音大致上標準 (Prussia 普魯士, herald, tribune, presidency)
●good use of stress (enhancements)
●流暢度有練過特別停頓來思考
●提連貫性跟內容組織的部分
●會以故事的方式去切入重點

用的評分系統: https://www.ielts.org/-/media/pdfs/sp...

●wide range and skillful use of vocabulary: are aware of, feel uneasy, visionary leaders, engage in a massive student exchange, worked miracles, became cornerstones
●mistakes: skip school, quit school, tense--become cornerstone
●short, concise sentences suited for clear public speaking
●lexically dense sentences

★★★★★★★★★★★★

蔡英文（1956年8月31日－）是中華民國（臺灣）的政治人物、法律學者、律師，為現任中華民國總統，原擔任民主進步黨主席。她先後獲得國立臺灣大學法律學系法學士、康奈爾法學院法學碩士、及倫敦政治經濟學院法學博士，曾任教於國立政治大學法學院和東吳大學法學院。

影片: https://youtu.be/5ygpAnK02uk?t=55
President Tsai Ing-wen in Harvard giving advice to students on policy challenges, choices, and leadership in the next decade

●沒有看稿子
●英式發音* (taught, good), 非常清楚
*其實很多英國人不喜歡英式口音這個標籤，英國人覺得他們自己講的才是真正標準的英文，是美國人才有口音

而且現在的英國(聯合王國)也是四個國家組成的，每個區域的發音都有一些區別。

用的評分系統: https://www.ielts.org/-/media/pdfs/sp...

●用詞豐富: rebellious, challenge your teachers and contemporaries, make yourself suited for changes, sharing values, expediting
●流暢度, 有些停頓, 但是思考內容的停頓絕對是自然的!
●文法沒有任何的錯誤 (a rebellious one, meaning...分詞構句, everything that is taught 形容詞子句, what is true today...名詞子句)

★★★★★★★★★★★★

對我而言，英文是一種工具，不覺得每一個政治人物都需要英文，有專業和可靠的翻譯輔助，就足夠了。

媒體報導: https://wp.me/p44l9b-1G4

在此提供我的「心智圖詞彙攻略」課程: https://bit.ly/2teELDq

也獻上Howard老師會走路的翻譯機，《會走路的翻譯機，神級英文學習攻略本》 http://bit.ly/2DfGrhH

最後要感謝炙瞳夢 RED FILM幾位大導演的友情協助，幫我們拍出一級棒的影片!

★★★★★★★★★★★★

NOTE: Thank you for the comments, everyone, both the positive and negative ones. We'll continue to do our best to produce entertaining yet educational videos.

There is a lot of information that we could not fit in a 10 min video, and some parts could be more clearly presented. For example, pauses are entirely natural when one searches for content. This point was stated in the video but went unnoticed by many commenters. Some have also expressed concerns about the clips selected. We selected them based on the following criteria: be related to education, have "spontaneous" interaction, and be in the public domain. Not many clips on the net meet these criteria, and the two above were the only ones we had access to. Last, some comments (from both sides) have accused us of bias. We tried to be as impartial as possible, and if you require more information on our thoughts, please refer to our notes in the video description. As previously stated, both candidates are advanced second language users, and it is not our aim to compare or criticize them. Again, thank you all for your feedback. We will strive to do better in the future.

JR又來了！這次是當面試官！
老實說，我第一次面試時（非老師工作）就是帶著「零經驗」的履歷去的，
那時真的就是憑著我的「一片真心」打動面試官！（哈哈！😜）
我記得我大致上就是如影片中這樣說的！

稍微解釋一下這堂課你需要做到的步驟：
Step 1: 這一步中沒有給中文字幕，希望藉此能打開耳朵仔細聽，試著理解內容。
Step 2: 第二步的repetition（反覆練習）和imitation（模仿）非常重要，每個人花的時間都會不同，不要覺得花上好多天練習就表示練習沒效率，反而，這會是你發覺自己進步很多、單字記的很熟、句型馬上蹦出來的關鍵！
Step 3: 在這一步驟中，我把我的部分換成靜音，讓你好好展現練習的成果，和JR模擬一場真實的面試喔！

對話全文：
JR: How are you doing this morning?
Cat: I’m doing great. Thank you.
JR: So, tell me something about yourself
Cat: Sure. I started off my career as an English teacher five years ago. I mainly taught Elementary school kids. One of my major duties was to communicate with anxious parents, and to talk to them about their kid’s behavior at school. I believe it took a lot of patience and communication skills to be able to pull it off.
JR: Catherine, you do know this is a marketing company right? Marketing and education are totally different fields. Why do you think you’re qualified to fit in this position as a marcom specialist?
Cat: Well, I’m the person who welcomes challenges. I understand I’m trying to get into a totally different field, however, I’ve always had a passion for digital marketing. In my spare time, I would read books or study articles about content marketing, influencer marketing, SEO and all that. I even worked part time to manage C’s English Corner’s fan page.
JR: Oh, C’s English Corner, that’s very very famous in Taiwan. So, why should we hire you again?
Cat: I don’t have much hands-on experience. But working as an English teacher in the past five years, I’m pretty confident to say that I’m an observant person with flexibility and good communication skills.
I know I am new to this field, but I am willing to take on an entry-level position and work my way up.

--------------------------------------------------------
☛ Facebook: C's English Corner https://www.facebook.com/csenglishcorner/
☛ Instagram: csenglishcorner
☛ 每週四晚上9:00準時發影片喔！

--------------------------------------------------------

其他超實用教學影片：

 【生活休閒英文】#5 六個直白的中翻英錯誤 // 如何選擇練口說管道?
https://goo.gl/PCCMRx

 如何用英文在國外點餐 https://goo.gl/v4pLGm

 如何順利過海關？ https://goo.gl/S1ppYZ

 聽懂機場廣播 https://goo.gl/DJZ8Kw

 我在台灣的自學方法 https://goo.gl/wyUjVc

 旅行英文#9 【住飯店】各種需求英文//如何無形中增加單字量？
https://goo.gl/nQnAuF
----------------------------------------------------------------------
每週四晚上9:00準時發影片喔！
----------------------------------------------------------------------
合作邀約：csenglishcorner@gmail.com