strip英文的八卦，MOBILE01和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

我的首張全英文EP《Like You Do》全面數位發行了！
My first English EP《Like You Do》is OUT NOW!
https://jjlin.lnk.to/LYDFA
＿

近年來我深深體悟到一件事：接受有缺憾的自我，是一生中最難的事情之一。
對於任何事務，我們努力做到最好、盡可能達到完美；很多時候，我們試著去相信自己是無懈可擊的，因為唯有堅強，才能成功。
然而，【Like You Do】對我而言正是相反的。
每首歌，都反映出自己的內心深處某個曾不可觸及的一面。過程中，通過自我剖白來學習擁抱自己的不完美，並找到真正的力量。而從中，我被療癒了。
當你擺脫所有期望時，每一步都將轉化為獲得和回報。
那正是最美的。

All these years, one thing I’ve learnt is that it’s one of the hardest things in life to accept the flawed version of ourselves.
We work so hard to be the best and to be perfect, that many times we want to believe that we are unstoppable, and it’s only by being strong that we can be successful.

“Like You Do” to me is the opposite of that.
Every song is a reflection of the darker version of myself.
And I’ve found a sense of healing, by reaching in and realizing that true strength is found in embracing every version of the self.
It’s when you strip yourself of all expectations, every next step will be a form of gain and reward.
There is beauty in that.

#JJLINLikeYouDo
#JJXIV

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

有學生問俐媽，今天穿的衣服是蛇皮嗎🐍🐍🐍
哦～俐媽不穿皮衣或皮草哦！想像把動物的屍體皮毛穿在身上展示炫耀，多麼殘忍恐怖😱
另外最近英模班主題週，俐媽倡導愛護動物，請大家多用環保餐具，減少塑料的使用。瞧！吸管還有分標準款、彎彎款、波霸珍珠款呢！請大家愛護動物、保護地球👬👭
🌎 俐媽英文教室：
synthetic leather 合成皮
genuine leather 真皮
fur (n.) 皮草
strip/skin (v.) 剝皮
cruel (a.) 殘忍的
brutal (a.) 血腥殘暴的
deprive (v.) 剝奪
right (n.) 權利
vanity (n.) 虛榮
stainless steel 不鏽鋼
disposable utensil 可拋棄式餐具
pollute = contaminate (v.) 汙染
conservation (n.) 保育；保存

[Click CC for English / Chinese subtitles]

JJ 林俊傑《倖存者 • 如你》雙EP
? https://jjlin.lnk.to/JJDrifterLikeYouDO

As I traverse this Wonderland
I wonder what the other side beholds?
Am I awake in my sleep
Or asleep in my consciousness?

If I’m gonna lose everything when I wake
I’d rather stay asleep and hold you while I can
And lock this moment in our tight embrace

Everything turned to nought when I awakened
Yet, this void catalysed a reset
As I slowly got buried in the quicksand
My expiration and regeneration had happened in parallel realms

穿越了這片Wonderland
那一端
是睜著眼沈睡
還是閉著眼清晰

假如 睜開眼就將失去
也要在所能之際 緊閉著眼 緊抱你 緊抱住這一刻擁有

這一刻 睜開眼 宛如煙消雲散
但歸零的同時 又出發了
當流沙不斷飛逝 都將注入另一部分的自己
逐漸消逝的同時 正在啟動重生的能量
＿

《While I Can》在【倖存者．如你】專輯中，是一座任意橋樑。
【倖存者 Drifter】EP中，完全體現出 JJ林俊傑 耕耘累積了17年的能量。然而，透過《While I Can》踏出華語音樂市場，以《Wonderland》的編曲為基底，延續音樂色調，但跨越多年來的舒適圈，與美國當地製作團隊合作，並填上浪漫但淒美的英文歌詞，打造成一首全新的歌。

《Wonderland》之於《While I Can》，就像雙EP的JJ一樣
當從Wonderland衝出窗外的那一端
是夢，是現實
JJ林俊傑 又將如何
故事才正要開始
＿

This MV brings me through a psychedelic journey of self-realization
Where I tear down my walls and strip myself bare in discovery of who I really am

Traversing the depths of consciousness
I’m gripped by inexplicability

As I examine the blurred lines of dream VS reality, alternating different universes, what versions of me await?

While I Can, I hold tight to what I love
While I Can, I relinquish all I have to the universe

Shredding away my ego, burdens and excess baggage, I come to nought
Yet, no longer enslaved, I am reborn.

透過 MV 進入 JJ 的潛意識旅程，
層層地剝開自我，不斷追尋著心中最純粹的自己。
通往意識狀態的入口，是突如其來、超越理解的瞬間。
當踏出現實進入不同的意識階段，又將會遇見怎樣的自己，
那是一望無際，亦或是夢中仙境。
每一次與內心的自我接觸，都將轉換時空，脫離意識，
所能之際擁抱，所能之際奉獻擁有的一切與這宇宙交換，
於是內心自我不斷消散、釋懷而放手的重生。

#JJXIV #JJWhileICan
#JJ林俊傑倖存者如你
#JJDrifterLikeYouDo
＿

Lyrics詞｜Josh Cumbee / 林俊傑 JJ Lin / Fernando Garibay
Composer曲｜Josh Cumbee / 林俊傑 JJ Lin / Fernando Garibay / Ramiro Padilla / Daniel Padilla
Producer 製作人｜Fernando Garibay / Ramiro Padilla / Daniel Padilla
Vocal Production配唱製作｜Fernando Garibay / Ramiro Padilla / Danny Padilla
Music Arrangement & Keyboards編曲 & 鍵盤｜Fernando Garibay / Ramiro Padilla / Danny Padilla / JJ 林俊傑 & The Swaggernautz
Instrument樂器｜Fernando Garibay / Ramiro Padilla / Danny Padilla / 黃冠龍 ALEX.D
Recording Studios錄音室｜The Garibay Center
Recording Engineers錄音師｜Fernando Garibay / Ramiro Padilla / Danny Padilla
Mixing Studio混音室｜mixHaus Studios (Los Angeles)
Mixing Engineer混音師｜Richard Furch
Assistant Mixing Engineer混音助理 ｜Domenic Tenaglia
Mastering Producer後期母帶處理製作人｜JJ 林俊傑
Mastering Studio後期母帶處理錄音室｜ STERLING SOUND MASTERING , NY
Mastering Engineer後期母帶處理錄音師｜Chris Gehringer

Production Company製作公司｜LUCKYSPARKS
Director導演｜陳亨利 Henry Chen
Co-Director共同導演｜紀培慧 Teresa Daley
Assistant Director副導｜張省云 Sibyl Chang Shing Yu
Executive Producer監製｜高郁傑 Otis Kao
Production Manager製片經理｜黃盈慈 Kiki Huang
Producer製片｜Olan Huang
Line Producer執行製片｜郭立賢
Location Manager場地經理｜黃筱晴
Production Assistant製片助理｜蔡旻樺 Min Hua Tsai
Production Assistant場務｜任信成
Director of Photography攝影指導｜潘星佑 Hsin You Pan
Movi Operator Movi技師｜洪建凱 / 張育甄
攝影大助First Assistant Camera｜王士偉 Sway Wanze
Gaffer燈光師｜謝松銘 Sung-Ming Hsieh
Best Boy Electric燈光大助｜陳晉緯
Electrician 燈光助理｜王建銘 / 馬翊展 / 蘇志豪
Grip場務｜力榮影業有限公司
Art Director 美術指導｜Mingko Wang
Set Decorator 執行美術｜黃少築 / 陳韻如
Art PA美術場務｜阿英
Stylist for JJ Lin 林俊傑造型｜韓忠偉 Justin Han
Styling Assistant for JJ Lin 林俊傑造型助理｜俞舒泰 Tiger Yu
Makeup Artist for JJ Lin 林俊傑化妝｜高秀雯 Jasmine Kao @prettycool_makeup
Hair Stylist for JJ Lin 林俊傑髮型｜胡智豪 Peter Wu @peter_wu_coloriste_
Costume Designer劇組造型師｜羅宛怡 Lo Wanyi
Wardrobe Assistant劇組造型執行｜黃憶柔 Huang Yi Rou
Hair & Makeup劇組妝髮師｜曹崇英 Nikki Tsao / 顏琳軒 Linlin Yen
Casting Director演員管理｜李嘉峰
Cast演員｜Kimi
Stills Photographer劇照師｜李欣哲 Hsin Che Lee
Behind The Scenes花絮側拍師｜沐旅影像製作工作室mulustudio（動態）/陳小烈LieChen（平面）
Transportation九巴司機｜五福將工作室
Camera Equipment 攝影器材｜阿榮影業股份有限公司
Lighting Equipment燈光器材｜阿榮影業股份有限公司
Post Production後期團隊｜Finger & Toe
Post Production Producer後期製片｜吳珮瑜 Sunny Wu
Post Producer Assistant後期製片助理｜王芃勻 Daiso Wang
Editor剪接師｜陳亨利 Henry Chen
Colorist調光師｜馮鈞稜 Justin Feng / 良奇 (＠TimeLine Studio 時間軸)
VFX Supervisor特效總監｜林貫洋 Guan Lin
VFX Artist特效師｜林貫洋 Guan Lin
Compositing合成｜炎殺頑特效 DarkFlame Studio
Roto Artist｜吳齊農
Storyboard Artist腳本師｜孫靜誼 Joy Sun (@JoySunArt)
Production Support 製作協力｜JFJ PRODUCTIONS Corp. Ltd.
Artiste Management 藝人經紀｜徐佩雲 Yvonne See
Artiste Management Executive 執行經紀｜韋佩佩 Wee Peipei、孫凡崴 Gaspard Sun、李文元 Yuan Lee、陳明君 Kirsten Chen
Artiste Assistant 藝人助理｜彭靖深 JS Pang
Digital Marketing 數位行銷｜游巧媃 CJ Yu、張皓婷 Carol Chang

Published by 發行｜華納國際音樂股份有限公司 Warner Music Taiwan Ltd.
Publisher & Executive Director出品人及監製｜周純如 Ruby Chou
Chief Content Director 首席內容及創意總監｜梁兆林 Terry Leung
Product Planning Executive 產品企劃專員 ｜陳昭岑 Verna Chen
Assistant Director of Marketing Promotion 行銷副總監｜張雅婷 Georgina Chang
Manager of Marketing Promotion 行銷經理｜卓郁函 Yuhan Cho
Supervisor of Marketing Promotion  行銷主任｜劉慧君  Jean Liu
Executive of Marketing Promotion  行銷專員｜余岱凌  Dolly Yu
Digital Media Executive  社群媒體行銷專員｜張又琳 Catherine Chang
Account Servicing Manager  數位客戶服務經理｜曾柏翔 Austin Tseng

JJ Lin 林俊傑 《倖存者· 如你》維度二 首張全英文EP《Like You Do》
OUT NOW 全面數位發行 https://jjlin.lnk.to/LYDAY

Have you imagined a world where
You’re more than just You?
What would that be like?

Drifter • Like You do - a Double-dimensional, deluxe EP creatively led by JJ Lin, from music productions to visual concepts. The music narrative of DRIFTER • LIKE YOU DO is inspired by a concept JJ has been ruminating on - the possibility of a parallel universe.

In this latest release which marks JJ’s 14th album, as well as his first english EP throughout his illustrious career of 18 years, JJ delves into his innermost thoughts and feelings, redefining his music perspectives to put forward a stripped down and introspective representation of his music and self.

In Quantum Theory
Space and time are not continuous
A parallel universe is a possibility
Could it be possible that somewhere, somehow
In an obscure corner of the universe
An infinite number of us exist?
Where perhaps, I could be you, and you could be me?

I seem to be a Drifter in this vast expanse... Like You Do.

-

[DRIFTER • LIKE YOU DO ]

Part One: The 1st Dimension - DRIFTER

Music has always been an expression of self for JJ. His journey of self-discovery could be traced back to his From M.E. To Myself (2015) album, with him eventually finding the connection between himself and the world, and shared through his Message in a Bottle (2017) album.

In the recent years, JJ embarked on a different route to self-discovery as he shifts the focus of his music from self to “you”. Conveyed through his double EP DRIFTER • LIKE YOU DO, JJ propounds a new direction for self-reflection.

DRIFTER EP features six brand new Mandarin songs that weaved together a complete concept of: What would you do, if you, were not just you? The songs inspire us to contemplate the possibility that our consciousness could determine who we are - there could be multiple endings to every story, and when we believe so, the future will be limitless.

Part Two: The 2nd Dimension - LIKE YOU DO

An extension of Drifter, LIKE YOU DO explores a self-examining concept: What is left after you rid yourself of expectations?

When darkness descends, have you, in pursuit of survival, stumbled upon another version of yourself that is so foreign yet familiar? You could be that drifter, that is the only glimpse of hope left in a despondent world. Which version of you would emerge in face of adversity? If a parallel universe does exist, JJ is breaking out of his shell and introducing the hidden version of himself that we have yet to meet via LIKE YOU DO.

Partnered with new music collaborators Fernando Garibay, Nasri Atweh, Joshua Kissiah Cumbee, Ramiro Padilla and Daniel Padilla, JJ endeavours to offer fresh perspectives and sounds for this EP.

The journey and story of this alternate JJ Lin has just begun.

—

“All these years, one thing I’ve learnt is that it’s one of the hardest things in life to accept the flawed version of ourselves. We work so hard to be the best and to be perfect; many times we want to believe that we are unstoppable, and that only by being strong, we can be successful.

“Like You Do” to me is the opposite of that.

Every song is a reflection of the darker version of myself. And I’ve found a sense of healing, by reaching in and realising that true strength is found in embracing every version of the self. It’s only when you strip yourself of all expectations, that your every next step will be a form of gain and reward.

There is beauty in that.”

— JJ Lin

＿＿＿

近年來我深深體悟到一件事：接受有缺憾的自我，是一生中最難的事情之一。
對於任何事務，我們努力做到最好、盡可能達到完美；很多時候，我們試著去相信自己是無懈可擊的，因為唯有堅強，才能成功。

然而，【Like You Do】對我而言正是相反的。
每首歌，都反映出自己的內心深處某個曾不可觸及的一面。過程中，通過自我剖白來學習擁抱自己的不完美，並找到真正的力量。而從中，我被療癒了。
當你擺脫所有期望時，每一步都將轉化為獲得和回報。
那正是最美的。

- JJ 林俊傑

【Like You Do】中的JJ Lin是一鍵歸零，
也是一步躍進。 跳脫既定模板，拋開過往的該與不該。

在【Like You Do】EP中，JJ Lin回到做音樂的本質面貌說故事，當這個語言更加直覺，遇見的自己就越加真實。捧著初衷的純粹，JJ成為昏暗夜晚中的一雙堅定眼神，穿透情感與歲月的虛與實。一刻明亮的獲得，是歷經所有的願與不願，坦然面對這些擁有與失去，於是回歸誠實後的純粹，如這世界上的每一個你，重新擁抱世界附加在自己身上的能量。

為帶給這張全英文EP更完整的體驗，JJ遠赴異地，尋找更多不同的聲音，當沒有任何模板框架，跳脫以往的創作模式，他的音樂更加自我也更加自由。JJ邀請多次獲得葛萊美獎項提名之專輯製作人- Fernando Garibay、Joshua Kissiah Cumbee、Ramiro Padilla、Daniel Padilla等多位專業音樂人攜手創作。與全新的音樂夥伴合作，無論曲、詞，JJ自在地享受，完全地吸收來自不同的音樂人所給予的能量，共同激盪出不同以往的音樂風格。一切不經設定、沒有設限也沒有包袱，放下習慣的唱腔，衝撞出全新的聲音。所有面貌都是最原始最嶄新，也是翻面後的第一頁。

歸零的同時，就會遇見真實的自己。

這個挑戰，是JJ 17年來從未有過的經驗，在華語市場中多年的累積，逐漸締造屬於最JJ的音樂版圖。但這一次，林俊傑顛覆一切的認知、放下一切的理所當然與成長脈絡，為了自我實現的這一刻，成為了歸零的JJ Lin，勇敢擁抱陌生的環境與不同的音樂文化，JJ已經不是JJ，但也不再只是原本的JJ。


#JJLINLikeYouDo
#JJXIV

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Hello大家～
旅遊的第一支影片來啦～
昨天剛下飛機就馬上開剪：）

這次是會去多倫多是為了陪我媽找阿姨
比較可惜的是沒有機會去遠一點的地方玩
主要都是在downtown附近

餐廳的部份因為都吃連鎖的 不然就是臨時google找
覺得沒有特別值得吃的所以就沒有放資訊欄了
不過星巴克的🍓acai refreasher真的是我念念不忘的飲料(影片裡也講夠多次了哈哈哈哈哈)

#torontovlog #旅遊vlog #多倫多

➭多倫多Citypass
https://reurl.cc/OlNlv
多倫多的Citypass非常值得買
一共可以去5個景點(水族館&科學博物館二擇一)
因為剛好每個景點都是我有排在行程裡面的所以我們5個都去到了
每個景點都不用人擠人排隊 刷一下QRcode就能進去了
可以說是非常值回票價哈哈哈哈哈哈

➭KKday尼加拉瓜瀑布一日遊(多倫多出發)
https://reurl.cc/9jkjn
訂完之後才發現姨丈可以載我們去哈哈哈哈
原本以為團會很少人結果還是有15人左右
導覽是全英文的 途中還會去小鎮跟酒莊
在瀑布有自由時間有3小時我覺得蠻夠的 重點是一定！一定！要加買船票！搭那個船去給瀑布淋一下
根本就是在玩急流泛舟哈哈哈哈
尼加拉瓜那天也是整趟多倫多我最喜歡的一天❤️

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