你容易被惹毛嗎? 你最近有參加Facebook流行的「一句話惹毛...」的活動嗎?
Laura要與大家分享「抱怨」、「惹毛」、「地雷」的英文怎麼說唷~
1. complain = whine = 抱怨,例如Stop whining! 不要再抱怨,發牢騷啦~
2. Don't mess with me! 不要惹毛我!
3. You're getting on my nerves! 你真的惹毛我啦!!!
4. I'm soooo pissed off! 我超不爽的啦~~
5. deal-breaker = (字面上) 破局 (原本可以促成的兩方或是可以有圓滿的情況但因為某種原因而告吹而沒了)。但是在口語上deal-breaker還可用來表達,你覺的某件事情,狀況或條件很不OK,讓你無法接受,類似中文的「地雷」。
如dating/relationship deal-breakers = 約會/感情地雷
因此套在一句話惹毛...的情況下:
My deal breaker is when someone says to me ....
= 我的地雷就是,如果有人跟我說....
快來與我們分享,哪一句話常惹毛你唷~
What is one phrase that can instantly piss you off?
0354
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2萬的網紅Ivan's ASMR,也在其Youtube影片中提到,這次是中文版的腦神經檢查影片~希望大家會喜歡喔:)...
nerves中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 八卦
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
nerves中文 在 家醫/職醫_陳崇賢醫師 Facebook 八卦
【家庭醫學】~ 自行車造成的手麻 ~ Part I
從大學以來,都不太愛騎自行車;因為每次騎遠一點,手都會超麻的。
以前高中上下課通勤騎到火車站,10分鐘的路程,還沒什麼感覺。在大學時,某次從長庚一路騎到八里,就發現手的前三指 (姆指、食指、中指) 麻到握不起來,後來醫學知識增加,才知道那種症狀是「腕隧道症候群」(Carpal tunnel syndrome);也就是正中神經被壓迫所造成的。
後來就只敢騎騎ubike來代步,不敢騎超過一個小時的路線。
然而,之前學藝不精,想說復健科學到的「車把麻痺」(Handlebar palsy),或稱為「自行車騎士麻痺」(Cyclist's palsy),是指尺神經壓迫在手把上造成的症狀,應該是無名指和小指有麻痛感,而不是像我是前三指的症狀;讓我心中一直有個問號。
直到最近爬山的時候,有個騎自行車的學妹加入,談到這個問題,才知道原來我的書沒有好好念,上面兩種情況,在騎車的人身上都有可能會發生。
所以念了些東西後,就有了接下來的文章,因為自行車運動不是我的專業,請大家用力指教囉。
〖文獻資料〗
Eckman等人於1975年首次發表了騎自行車者的尺神經壓迫,也就是上面提到的「車把麻痺」(Handlebar palsy),或稱為「自行車騎士麻痺」(Cyclist's palsy);如果要對應「腕隧道症候群」(Carpal tunnel syndrome),它也可以稱作「蓋氏管道症候群」(Guyon Canal Syndrome)。
https://doi.org/10.1001/archneur.1975.00490440080014
※ 註:尺神經壓迫,亦會在拿球拍的運動 (擊球時手腕彎曲又受到衝擊)、空手道 (砍劈動作)、輪椅活動 (直接壓迫在輪上推動) 中發現。
接下來的兩篇,就不單單是提出觀察後的結果,而是設計好的前瞻性研究:
1. Ulnar and Median Nerve Palsy in Long-distance Cyclists: A Prospective Study
https://doi.org/10.1177%2F03635465030310041801
找了25位自行車騎士 (16位公路車│9位登山車),年齡分佈在20~60歲,騎車的經驗各有不同;在4天的時間,騎了600公里。
在騎車前1天和結束當天,評估尺神經和正中神經的功能,並收集問卷。
結果如下:
A. 運動功能障礙:36%
B. 感覺功能異常:10%
C. 兩者同時出現:24%
D. 騎登山車發生的比例較高
E. 主要為尺神經異常
2. The Effect of Long-Distance Bicycling on Ulnar and Median Nerves: An Electrophysiologic Evaluation of Cyclist Palsy
https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0363546505275131
這篇找了14位成年人(共28隻手),騎了6天,共420英里 (約676公里);在前後一樣安排了神經傳導檢查及收集問卷。
結果如下:
A. 尺神經運動深層分支至第一背側骨間位置 (deep branch of the ulnar nerve to the first dorsal interosseous),明顯有傳導遲滯。
B. 原本就有腕隧道症候群的3隻手,騎完之後有變嚴重。
C. 有1隻手,新出現腕隧道症候群。
〖小結〗
用人話來簡單整理一下:
1. 不管有沒有經驗,都有可能會出現手部神經壓迫的症狀;(尺神經 & 正中神經);尺神經為主。
2. 症狀可能是感覺異常 (痠、麻、痛) 、 運動異常 (無力、手張不開) 或兩者同時出現。
3. 預防方式有3種
A. 戴自行車手套 [或是手把帶來減震]
B. 良好的fitting [這個中文不太會翻譯,總之就是車子要調整好、騎乘的姿勢要對]
C. 常更換手的位置 [避免同一點一直受力壓迫]
§ 明天再來分享如果是彎把公路車,手放的位置和有沒有戴手套,手部的受力情況。請期待Part II...
※ 圖片引用自:https://bit.ly/2WnpLxq
可以看到因為壓迫的點不同,而影響到不同條神經。
#如果覺得有用_直接分享不用問
#手套買好了_希望ubike可以騎超過一小時不要麻
#聽說fitting是門藝術_等要認真騎單車再來問
nerves中文 在 Ivan's ASMR Youtube 的評價
這次是中文版的腦神經檢查影片~希望大家會喜歡喔:)
nerves中文 在 [email protected] Youtube 的評價
Meniere's Disease - Dr. Soo Ming Soon Gordon@FindDoc.com
Source: https://www.finddoc.com/en
Background: Mr. Chan is 38 years old and has Meniere's Disease for 2 years now. His symptoms include feeling of throwing up and dizziness, sometimes lasting as long as 1 to 2 hours. He has to hold onto other firm objects to find supports.
(1) What causes Meniere's Disease? 0:31
(2) How can one diagnose and treat Meniere's Disease? Any cure? 1:33
(3) Under what conditions would Meniere's Disease attack more easily? 2:40
(4) When Meniere's Disease does attack, what can Mr. Chan do to ease the symptoms? 3:34
瀏覽中文版本短片:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rKC68LMop6Q
Search Doctor information:
https://www.finddoc.com/
Let's Connect:
https://www.facebook.com/FindDoc
https://plus.google.com/102821364210960788806/posts
nerves中文 在 【心跳加速】Jake Miller - NERVOUS中文歌詞 的八卦
與你分享Jake Miller - NERVOUS資訊欄也有單字介紹~☆一起聽歌學英文吧!☆喜歡的話幫忙☆按讚訂閱 ... ... <看更多>