knees英文的八卦，YOUTUBE和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

早上起來唸英文😜麥克阿瑟和松下幸之助最喜歡的短文：年輕
說的是真理，非常雞湯👍👍🌹
Youth
by Samuel Ullman

Youth is not a time of life; it is a state of mind; it is not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips and supple knees; it is a matter of the will, a quality of the imagination, a vigor of the emotions; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life.

年輕，並非人生旅程的一段時光，也並非粉頰紅唇和體魄的矯健。它是心靈中的一種狀態，是頭腦中的一個意念，是理性思維中的創造潛力，是情感活動中的一股蓬勃朝氣，是人生春色深處的一抹鮮嫩。

Youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite, for adventure over the love of ease. This often exists in a man of sixty more than a boy of twenty. Nobody grows old merely by a number of years. We grow old by deserting our ideals.

年輕，意味著甘願放棄溫馨浪漫的愛情去闖蕩生活，意味著超越羞澀、怯懦和慾望的膽識與氣質。而60歲的男人可能比20歲的小伙子更多地擁有這種膽識與氣質。沒有人僅僅因為時光的流逝而變得衰老，只是隨著理想的毀滅，人類才出現了老人。

Years may wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. Worry, fear, self-distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.

歲月可以在皮膚上留下皺紋，卻無法為靈魂刻上一絲痕跡。憂慮、恐懼、缺乏自信才使人佝僂於時間塵埃中。

Whether sixty or sixteen, there is in every human being's heart the lure of wonder, the unfailing child-like appetite of what's next, and the joy of the game of living.

無論是60歲還是16歲，每個人都會被未來所吸引，都會對人生競賽中的歡樂懷著孩子般無窮無盡的渴望。
💪💪🌹🌹

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

#看棒球學英文 #講師萊福力
　
本台客座球評/中信兄弟洋投 #萊福力 告訴你，為什麼這球 K-Zone說好球 (欸有K-Zone?) ，裁判老師給壞球。
　
Him dropping to his knees kind of lost that pitch for him. But that was definitely a strike. It indicates to the umpire that it might've been way lower than it was.
　
翻譯：即使這球的確是好球，捕手接球時膝蓋觸地，讓主審誤以為球經過本壘板時位置很低～

With English CC Subtitles

喜歡看我吃東西記得按讚&訂閱喔
下次想看我吃什麼可以底下留言告訴我
IG有我的一些生活有興趣的朋友可以追蹤一下

吃貨豪豪IG：https://www.instagram.com/martinispig

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聯繫方式：martinisgy@gmail.com

Hypnotic Emporium Ice Cream & Candy Shop 位於：109 S Main St, Mansfield, TX 76063
大胃王挑戰內容有：20球的冰淇淋、一條巧克力棒、一個甜甜圈、餅乾、冰淇淋餅乾、很多鮮奶油，15分鐘內完食免費。失敗的話要付35$美金。

Hypnotic Emporium Ice Cream & Candy Shop located in：109 S Main St, Mansfield, TX 76063
The Challenge contains：20 scoops of premium ice cream. 20 different flavors including perennial favorites like Jack-and-Coke and honey-and-lavender-flavored Bee’s Knees. Garnished with 3 toppings, a Charleston Chew chocolate bar, a Hypnotic doughnut, cookie, waffle cone, and whipped cream. There is a 15-minute time limit to finish everything.

#美國 #大胃王 #冰淇淋 #聖代

加入惡魔獵人的行列，見證他們的傳奇：
https://store.steampowered.com/app/601150/Devil_May_Cry_5/

昨天破完劇情以後馬上就被這首歌震撼到了, 真不愧是卡普空, 10老招牌被完美地傳承下來了!

Legacy有傳承, 遺產, 遺留下來的事物等意思, 而在惡魔獵人的故事中, 我個人覺得"傳奇" 一詞更能體現這首歌想表達的意境, 畢竟惡魔獵人們所遺留下來的, 正是他們的傳奇故事...



英文原文歌詞:
When those voices deep within
Bring you down to your knees again
Redemption calls onto
All of those who persist
With the strength of the few

Don't come to question
All that you've known
Remember, you are not alone
I will be here
Standing beside you

There is no mountain
Too tall to overcome
We will be as one
You will rise again
This is your legacy
Rise again
This is your legacy

#惡魔獵人5
#結局
#音樂
#神曲

《DAWN》
君を待つ / Kimi wo Matsu / 等你 / I'll Wait for You
作詞 / Lyricist：aimerrythm
作曲 / Composer：古川貴浩
編曲 / Arranger：玉井健二、大西省吾
歌 / Singer：Aimer
翻譯：夏德爾
English Translation: Thaerin

背景 / Background - 探してた道 - とちちま :
https://www.pixiv.net/artworks/82604893

版權聲明:
本頻道不握有任何音樂所有權，亦無任何營利，一切僅為推廣用途。音樂所有權歸原始創作者所有。請支持正版。

Copyright Info:
Be aware this channel is for promotion purposes only without any illegal profit. All music's ownership belongs to the original creators.
Please support the original creator.

すべての権利は正当な所有者/作成者に帰属します。あなたがこの音楽（または画像）の作成者で、この動画に使用されたくない場合はメッセージまたはこのYoutubeチャンネルの概要のメールアドレスにご連絡ください。私はすぐに削除します。

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If you like my videos, please click like and subscribe! Thx :)

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https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

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中文翻譯 / Chinese Translation :
https://home.gamer.com.tw/creationDetail.php?sn=2889359

英文翻譯 / English Translation :
https://www.lyrical-nonsense.com/lyrics/aimer/kimi-wo-matsu/

日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
さよなら おやすみ いつかまたね
手を振った夕暮れ
どこへ帰るかも分からないまま
ただ　歩いた

冷たい雨から逃げるように
駆け込んだ木陰で 刹那の息をつき
下弦の月 闇に堕ちる

笑った顔は　すぐに思い出せるはずなのに
少しずつ滲んでく 零れ落ちた涙

眠れない夜 見上げた空
揺れる夜光は 身を焦がす
瞳閉じれば 記憶の海
深く沈み 手を伸ばす

幾千年も変わらず 君を待つ

冷たい夜風に 吹かれるまま
騒ぎ立つ葉音に
重ねる言葉も分からないまま
またふるえた

紡いだ花は　すぐに枯れてしまうだけなのに
とめどなく望んでる 壊れ出した 何か

眠れないまま かけた膝
香る闇間に 目を凝らす
後に戻れば 孤独の森
深く潜み 声を断つ

不変の冬の中でも 春を待つ

笑った顔は　すぐに思い出せるはずなのに
少しずつ滲んでく 零れ落ちた涙

眠れない夜 見上げた空
ちりばめられた星屑を指でつないで
十字の鳥 翼求め 手を伸ばす

幾千年も変わらず 君を待つ

中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
再見、晚安，總有一天再會吧
在揮手離別的黃昏裡
連自己該回去哪裡，也不曉得
僅是這樣走著

像是要逃離冰冷的雨點
在倉促藏身的樹蔭底下，吐出留存剎那的嘆息
而下弦的月，正朝著黑暗墜落

明明，馬上就能想起你的笑容
然而那笑容卻漸漸地模糊，模糊在滾落的淚水之中

在無法入睡的夜晚裡仰望的天空
搖晃夜晚的雷光，擺弄身軀的苦悶
閉上眼，看見的便是記憶的大海
只能深深地沉入海中，對回憶中的你伸出手——

在一如過往的千年好幾中，等待著你

放任自己，被冰冷的晚風吹拂
在那之中，仍然聽不見
聽不見累積在樹葉間隨風騷動的呼喚
身軀也因為寒冷與無助，而再次顫抖

早就知曉，編織的花只會一眨眼地枯萎
卻仍然無止盡地渴求著，那已經開始壞去的，某個事物

在無法入睡而擁抱的膝蓋
凝視那之間瀰漫著香氣的黑暗
若是回首而去，便是孤獨的森林
只好埋身記憶的森林，埋藏那片自責的聲音

即便在這一如往常的冬天，也僅是等待著春天的來到

明明，馬上就能夠想起你的笑容
然而那個笑容，卻在滾落的淚水中漸漸模糊

在無法入睡的夜晚所仰望的天空
用手指，連接被撒開的星塵
勾勒出十字的天鵝，伸出手渴求牠的羽翼——

就這樣在一如往常的千年好幾中，等你

英文歌詞 / English Lyrics :
Farewell… goodnight… see you again sometime…
I waved at twilight.
Not knowing where I would go home to,
I just walked.

In order to escape the chilling rain,
I rushed under a tree’s shadow and let out a moment’s breath,
As a waning moon fell to darkness.

※I expect that I can instantly recall your smiling face,
But it begins to blur with my falling tears…

On sleepless nights, I looked up to the sky,
And the swaying nightglow had me burning with love.
When I close my eyes, it’s a sea of memories –
I sink deep, reaching out my hand…

Thousands of years, without fail, I’ll wait for you.

Blown along by a chilling wind,
I hear the sounds of leaves disturbed –
Unable to understand their amassing words,
My body shakes again.

Flowers that tell their story just end up wilting right away –
I’m ceaselessly wishing for something in the process of breaking down.

Unable to sleep, I was clutching my knees,
As I strained my eyes into the fragrant space of darkness.
If I could later return to that forest of solitude,
I’d delve deep and cut off my voice.

Even amidst and immutable winter, I’ll wait for spring.

※repeat

On sleepless nights, I looked up to the sky,
Connecting the scattered stardust with my fingers,
Seeking the wings of the Swan of the Cross, I reach out my hand…

Thousands of years, without fail, I’ll wait for you.