《流利英文的秘密》
叔叔:由今個星期開始,蕭叔叔的明報專欄由biweekly改為weekly,逢星期一刊出,今次大檸樂。
【明報專訊】蕭叔叔成日同學生講:Conquer the small words, and you’ll conquer the language. 學英文,最難學的,係 is am are was were,of for in at with 這類小字,而不是望落去高深,又長又難讀的字。小字通常有連接意念的作用。好多人學講英文,唔係識字唔夠多,而係唔識將意念串連起來,流暢地表達。
譬如我想講:今日要同大家講我最鍾意嘅課題-正確學習 small words 的重要性。英文唔流利嘅人,可能重點字眼都講得足,就係聽落去唔流利,broken,disjointed。錯誤示範:
Today I talk about something I love. It is important to learn small words
這句就是怪,而且不像說英文的人說話。這句蕭叔叔會怎樣說?假如不怕長氣,場合又唔太formal的話(說話不同書寫,說話假如太少廢字,聽落去反而唔自然)。蕭叔叔示範:
Today it’s a bit of a lovely one for me in that I’m talking about the importance of learning small words, and how it’s gonna contribute to your fluency. It’s something that I’ve been obsessed with since I started teaching English.
唔係話咁樣講先叫做好,因為好多人會認為廢話太多,語氣又不夠肯定(如 a bit of a),and this is only one of the countless number of ways to say the same thing,BUT,咁樣講,的確是正常,自然,流利嘅 informal 英文口語。要聽蕭叔叔開口示範,請 follow the link below:
https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=hP4FNDKO6hI&feature=youtu.be
分析一下。A bit of a 是日常口語常用 expression,尤其英國人愛用。In that 意思大概就是「因為」。留意 how it’s gonna contribute to your fluency,這是個 noun phrase,通常用正常詞序,而不用問句的詞序(how is it going to)。留意其中 it’s,a,bit,of,a,one,for, in,that,I’m,about,the,and, how,gonna,to,something,with,since,就是我所謂的 small words。要英文說得流利自然,一定要 conquer 這些小字的用法,反而長字,深字,content字,不難學。
再給大家一個例子。英國首相,保守黨的 David Cameron 最近拍了段短片,講英國新的稅務政策。一開首佢咁講:
Today is called Money Back Monday, and the reason for that is that some of the most important tax and pension changes come into place today in the new financial year. And there’re two that I think are particularly important.
又係時候學 small words。大家知道要留意的字啦?is called,and the reasons for that is that,some of the most,come into place,in the,and there’re,that I think are particularly。這些,才是學習的重點。Again,要聽蕭叔叔示範,follow the link below:
https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=hP4FNDKO6hI&feature=youtu.be
那,small words 怎樣學?多聽多講就可以了嗎?錯。假如身不在全英文的環境,只靠多聽多講,不會進步。聽之餘還要動動腦筋,用腦分析,思考,點解呢句說話要咁講,點解呢度要放呢個字。唔好再只看深字長字啦,remember:Conquer the small words, and you’ll conquer the language。蕭叔叔話嘅。
文︰蕭愷一
作者簡介
蕭愷一,aka蕭叔叔。夢想做男神、現實是大叔的英文教學狂熱分子,law grad,哲學碩士dropout,語言學愛好者,以speak English like an educated native為教與學的終極目標。
蕭叔叔的Facebook專頁《蕭叔叔的英文學會》 :https://www.facebook.com/unclesiu
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過92萬的網紅fukuse yuuriマリリン,也在其Youtube影片中提到,皆様いつもご視聴、コメントありがとうございます! 私の事を大切に思ってくれているファンの皆様にいつも感謝しています❤️私はいつも皆さんを大切に思ってます。 楽しんで動画を観て頂ければ嬉しいです❤️ よろしくお願い致します! 回る化粧品トレーはこちら! https://item.rakuten.c...
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毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
(案件編號:DCCC 535/2020)
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「毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘,即訂閱Patreon:
patreon.com/raphaelwong
—————————————————
胡法官雅文閣下:
2012年,我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評公安惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!
在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?
社會之病根
對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。
最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021
importance用法 在 Alexander Wang 王梓沅英文 Facebook 八卦
【當年為了寫贏美國人,我花了上百個小時在哥大圖書館做這件事】
每當學生問起我是怎樣在托福、雅思寫作都能穩穩考滿分時,我都會跟他們講這個故事。
2011 年,從賓大到哥大時,我幻想著休閒時間,就要到 SOHO 的咖啡廳看看書,感受被小說家跟 #紐約時報 的 editors 們包圍著工作的氣氛。放假時,要到中央公園吃著在 Plaza Hotel 地下街買的龍蝦堡享受一下午的悠閒。
沒想到一開學,我的生活變瞬間變成了:「不是在圖書館,就是往圖書館的路上。」過程當中,好強的我,為了「英文寫作要比哥大的美國學生更好」這個目標,我開始整理了「 #英文寫作資料庫」。
在閱讀了幾百、甚至幾千篇頂尖期刊後,我發現了不分領域、很多的「共通性」。有很多的高頻用法,都是可以被整理、分類的。
例如:
✔︎ 在指出 research gap 時,學者們不約而同地使用 “Relatively little is known about sth…”
✔︎ 在指出證據越來越多時,他們不約而同地使用 “Evidence is growing that…”(絕對不是 There're more and more evidences 喔)
如果我們可以掌握這些高頻、模組化的寫作特性,其實很多時候不需要拼命地用中文組裝,最後反而製造出了多 #奇形怪狀的中式英文 寫法。
✔︎ 這套我一直以來 #整理英文寫作語料 的方式(我叫它 #3D英文筆記術 ),我會在這次與 #Hahow 合作的線上課程當中與你們分享。
► 表達目的時,我們需要注意「#文法搭配」,才能用的出來
X is intended to… / X is aimed at… / X is consistent with Y
► 有了 #詞義搭配 (lexical collocation) 這個模組,我們才能很自然地使用 a handful of studies / a wealth of research / a suite of questions 這樣的用法。
► 對 #慣用句頭、#慣用句中 的熟悉、整理,寫作時才能夠輕鬆用出:
・The past decade has witnessed XXX
・There has been much controversy surrounding…
・X stand in stark contrast to Y
・X is subject to Y
・X has grown in importance / popularity
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importance用法 在 fukuse yuuriマリリン Youtube 的評價
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Hello, my name is YUURI FUKUSE Please call me MARILYN!
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importance用法 在 [文法] I think it important 的用法- 看板Eng-Class - 批踢踢實業坊 的八卦
之前在新聞中看過這段話,對其文法有點不明白:
https://youtu.be/4HpEUKrmKTY?hd=1
“I was honestly concerned that he might lie about the nature of our meeting, so I thought it really important to document.”
這是前 FBI 局長 James Comey 下台後在國會聽證會做出的陳述。
中國官媒新華社翻譯:「我真的擔心他(川普)會就我們會面的性質撒謊,所以我認為記錄下來非常重要。」(來源:https://goo.gl/SphV35)
我一直覺得 think it 跟 really important 中間少了 be 動詞 was,但查了朗文詞典也有類似的用法:https://goo.gl/CtYuNd
I thought it best to call first.
I thought it appropriate to invite her to speak at the meeting.
這裡為甚麼會少了 be 動詞呢?
我才疏學淺,看得懂文意搞不懂文法。
感謝各位幫忙解答!
PS.英國《衛報》跟美國《紐約時報》等網站多是寫 thought it really important,但美國 CNBC 則是寫為 thought it was really important。
The Guardian https://goo.gl/B6aycK
The New York Times https://goo.gl/4jwskG
CNBC https://goo.gl/Rtk5QB
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※ 文章網址: https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Eng-Class/M.1505580302.A.A32.html
※ 編輯: yhli817 (220.142.129.237), 09/19/2017 00:43:06
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