【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿,但國際線十分重要,不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻,願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機:
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過3萬的網紅業輝馮,也在其Youtube影片中提到,讓世界看見8K畫質下的台灣 歡迎公開分享,讓更多的人看見台灣 To Bring Taiwan To The World Under A 8K Resolution Welcome to share the video to let more people see the beauty of Tai...
「technology slogan」的推薦目錄:
- 關於technology slogan 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook
- 關於technology slogan 在 外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC(Taiwan) Facebook
- 關於technology slogan 在 Jaasuzuran Facebook
- 關於technology slogan 在 業輝馮 Youtube
- 關於technology slogan 在 689+ Science and Technology Slogans and Taglines ... 的評價
- 關於technology slogan 在 10 Best Slogan On National Technology Day l Calligraphy ... 的評價
technology slogan 在 外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC(Taiwan) Facebook 八卦
【#後疫情時代 該把握的國際趨勢看起來▶️】
#聯合國 永續發展高階政治論壇
「強化新冠肺炎疫後復甦:
永續發展之科學、技術與創新」
這場由
TaiwanICDF財團法人國際合作發展基金會
+
Taiwan in New York 駐紐約台北經濟文化辦事處
與美國 #哥倫比亞大學 永續發展中心
合作舉辦的跨國的線上研討會
(美國、巴拉圭、台灣)
會中各國代表分享在疫情爆發初期、
全面封鎖時期及後疫情時代
因應疫情的作法
以及未來如何達成永續發展的目標!
#羅副半夜睡不著覺滑PTT看護國神帖
#來聽羅副用英文講那關鍵一日
線上研討會完整影片👉 https://bit.ly/2ODy9oV
TaiwanICDF財團法人國際合作發展基金會 and Taiwan in New York 駐紐約台北經濟文化辦事處, in collaboration with the Center for Sustainable Development of Columbia University in the City of New York, recently hosted the "Emerging Stronger after COVID-19: Science, Technology, and Innovation for Sustainable Development" webinar on 16 July 2020 to discuss how #science, #technology and #innovation can accelerate the implementation of the #SDGs and bring the slogan #TaiwanCanHelp into action during the the United Nations High-Level Political Forum (UN HLPF). The webinar was divided into four parts as follows:
- How the COVID-19 pandemic has affected countries differently, with a focus on the examples of #Taiwan🇹🇼 and Paraguay🇵🇾 who have successfully suppressed the outbreak. (Starts 00:07:36)
- Life under #lockdown and how science, technology and innovation can bridge distances. (Starts 00:32:25)
- The #postCOVID era and how to reduce the impact of the pandemic and reboot the SDGs through science, technology and innovation. (Starts 01:14:17)
- Q & A. (Starts 01:49:31)
Watch the webinar in full here: https://bit.ly/2ODy9oV
technology slogan 在 Jaasuzuran Facebook 八卦
Hello hello perhatian! Play Nanoeman game & win iPhone now! New Panasonic Air Conditioner comes with Nanoe Technology can help deodorise, inhibit the growth of bacteria & viruses and remove dust particles as small as PM2.5.
1) Click >> www.nanoeman.com to play.
2) Play Nanoe Man game and hit your high score.
3) Complete the slogan 'I need Panasonic Air Conditioner because….' after finishing the game.
4) Follow our Facebook www.facebook.com/mypanasonic/
Prizes untuk semua adalah:
2 x iphone X
1 x iphone 8
3 x Casserole Pot
Terms & Conditions: http://nanoeman.com/tnc.html
technology slogan 在 業輝馮 Youtube 的評價
讓世界看見8K畫質下的台灣
歡迎公開分享,讓更多的人看見台灣
To Bring Taiwan To The World Under A 8K Resolution
Welcome to share the video to let more people see the beauty of Taiwan
大家好,我來自馬來西亞
在2015年時,到台灣留學四年
完成學業的同時,也完成了縮時台灣
留學四年期間走遍台灣,到各地拍攝
超過10萬公里的旅程,足以環島一百次
背負二十幾公斤的器材上山下海
只為了紀錄最美麗的台灣
Hello everyone, I am from Malaysia
In 2015, I went to Taiwan to study for four years
At the same time as completing my studies, I’ve also completed the time-lapse shooting of Taiwan
During these four years, I've traveled all over Taiwan and took lots of pictures
This journey exceeded 100,000 kilometers, which traveled around the island more than a hundred times
Carrying more than 20 kg of equipment
Just to record the most beautiful scenery of Taiwan
我想把台灣的美讓全世界看見!
愛台灣不是一種口號,而是一種行動
謝謝大家觀看,歡迎公開分享
讓更多的人看見台灣的美!
I want to show the beauty of Taiwan to the world
For me, loving Taiwan is not a slogan but an action
Thank you for watching
Welcome to share the video to let more people see the beauty of Taiwan!
在發佈縮時台灣1-3系列後
很幸運成為了 精研國際HDclub簽約攝影師
得到贊助廠商的支持讓我設備,技術大幅升級
讓我製作出8K(7680*4320p)規格的作品
我把縮時三部曲以及尚未完成的第四部
整合製作出最高規格 TAIWAN | 8K 60
建議使用4K、8K的熒幕觀看效果更佳
After releasing Taiwan's time-lapse video series 1-3
It's an honor to be a contract photographer for HDclub
With the support of sponsors, my equipment and technology have been substantially upgraded
This allows me to produce the video in 8K resolution (7680 * 4320p)
I will integrate Taiwan's time-lapse videos series 1-3 and the unfinished fourth film into the highest specification
For a better viewing experience, it is recommended to use a 4K or 8K screens
器材方面/Gear:
製作8K 的設備 Production 8K Equipment:ASUS ZenBook Pro Duo 15 UX581GV
Higrace 投入式漸層濾鏡系統:ZERO R0.6 | R0.9 | S0.9 | NDCPL32 | ND1000
Sony A7R4 | A7R3 | A7R2(MOD)
-Sony 16-35 F2.8 GM
-Sony 24 F1.4 GM
-Canon 16-35 F2.8 L ii
-Canon 70-200 F2.8 L ii
-Sigma 14 F1.8 Art
-Sigma 35 F1.4 Art
-Sigma 50 F1.4 Art
-Sigma 24-70 F2.8 Art
軟體Software:
LRTimelapse | Adobe Lightroom | Premeire | After Effects | Media Encoder | Photoshop
.
若有縮時專案或8K縮時素材授權需求
If there is a time-lapse project or 8K time-lapse material authorization needs,Manufacturers are welcome to cooperate
LINE:yaphui96 Mr.Phong,馮先生
Email : yaphui01111740800@gmail.com
關於我的故事:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gFtcGnjyIEQ
臉書FaceBook : https://www.facebook.com/yaphui1996
INSTAGRAM : https://www.instagram.com/yh.1102/
音樂Music:Epic Soul Factory - Legendary ,Riding the Light
影片歡迎個人非營利 FB 分享
technology slogan 在 10 Best Slogan On National Technology Day l Calligraphy ... 的八卦
10 Best Slogan On National Technology Day l Calligraphy Creators l Technology Qoutes l Hiiiii Guyzzzz Thank You For Clicking On The video ... ... <看更多>
technology slogan 在 689+ Science and Technology Slogans and Taglines ... 的八卦
Aug 19, 2021 - Science is a systematic enterprise that builds and organizes knowledge in the form of testable explanations .List of Best Science Slogans and ... ... <看更多>