arouse的八卦，YOUTUBE和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

泰晤士報亞洲編輯勁文共賞：

Hong Kong: Sometimes you have to fight for freedom
「香港：有時候係需要為自由而戰」
We in the West have no right to condemn the violence of protesters facing tyranny
「西方社會無資格去譴責對抗暴政嘅暴力抗爭」

《The Times》泰晤士報今日11月28號刊登亞洲編輯Richard Lloyd Parry用咁爆嘅標題「暴走」式癲咗咁去評論香港示威，要留意唔係專欄作家、評論員或者嘉賓投稿呀。內容直情係英文版嘅「和勇合一」，「不割蓆、不篤灰、不指責」，加埋「不完美，可接受」超級專業版國際文宣。真係忍唔住當學英文，節錄幾段亂咁譯同大家「勁文同賞」。

（帶番套Full Gear講明先，係佢「宣揚暴力」同「美化暴徒行為」，本Page只係英文翻譯學術交流流，本人熱愛和平，討厭政治，最憎對抗暴政好似華盛頓同孫中山之類嘅暴徒！但係點解會覺得感動呢？）

//We like our moral heroes to be cuddly, as well as brave, and for the first few months the democracy protesters of Hong Kong met both of these requirements...A million Davids stood up against the Goliath of the Chinese state and people around the world cheered — until, in the past few weeks, it all started to turn nasty.//
（我地從來都鐘意道德英雄，勇敢得黎又可愛又剩咁，香港人最初嗰幾個月就係咁有齊晒咁嘅優點。好似一百萬個大衛對抗巨人歌莉婭咁，睇到全世界都好開心，直到近幾個星期前，情況就開始有啲肉酸。）

然後講述磚頭、汽油彈、投石器同「鶳」出現嘅情況唔重覆，佢話中國政府形容呢班係「暴徒」（"thugs"）一啲都唔意外，不過覺得好驚訝某啲西方傳媒，特別係嗰啲澳洲報紙用「賊匪」同「蒙面恐怖份子」（“bandits” and “masked terrorists”）做形容詞。

//Let there be no doubt, there is no excuse for beating up people who disagree with you, or who arouse your suspicion because they are speaking mainland Chinese. But these crimes are nothing compared with the institutionalised violence bearing down on the protesters from all sides.//
（咪誤會，人地有唔同意見或者講普通話就鶳一定係唔啱，但係呢啲唔能夠同示威者所面對嘅全方位制度暴力去比㗎。）

//Hong Kong is deceptive, at least on superficial acquaintance...But the freedom has iron limits.//
（好膚淺咁表面去睇，香港嘅所謂自由其實係個騙局咁...因為呢啲自由有鐵一般嘅限制。）

//Despite limited autonomy, they are part of China, a one-party dictatorship with a history of murderously oppressing those who challenge its authority.//
（雖然擁有有限嘅自治，但咪忘記係响一個一黨專政，歷史上對異己殘酷欺壓嘅國家嘅一部份喎。）

//For all the visible trappings of civilisation, this is not London, New York or Tokyo. The protesters throwing firebombs at the police at the Polytechnic University are not to be compared to anti-war protesters or climate change demonstrators, or any of the activists on the streets of western cities. People in those places have no cause to resort to violence. Whether or not they get what they want, they have multiple means of articulating their grievances in print, on television, via the internet, as well as at the ballot box. In Hong Kong, unlike mainland China, people can express themselves freely but have no means to choose leaders who reflect the popular will.//
（大家剩係見到表面嘅文明，喂，香港唔L係倫敦、紐約或者東京呀。班西方反戰、環保或者是但街頭抗爭嗰啲，係比唔上理大向警察揼汽油彈嘅示威者。因為西方嗰班友，就算爭取唔到，至少仲可以靠印刷、上電視、上網甚至用選票之類暴力以外嘅方法去爭取訴求。香港人其實只係得把口係自由，係完全無方法去揀一個領袖去反映民意㗎！）

嗱，最爆嘅論點黎喇！

//All of us of the right-thinking persuasion pride ourselves on “deploring violence”. But very few of us are true pacifists. In extreme circumstances, faced with a direct threat to the physical wellbeing of ourselves or our loved ones, many of us would raise a fist or something worse. Most people agree that against a threat like that posed by Nazi Germany, for example, even war can be a dreadful necessity.//
（我地企响道德高地口口聲聲「譴責暴力」緊係自high㗎喎，但唔該自問一下有幾多個係真正嘅和平主義者先啦。實情係响極端嘅情形之下，如果自己或者親人面對直接危險嘅時候，大家唔只出手啦，再激啲都會。正如大部份人都唔會反對，當年面對納粹德國咁恐怖嘅威脅，戰爭係必須嘅。）

//Many of us too would compromise our habitual respect for the authority of police and government if it were wielded in an oppressive and undemocratic way. Imagine some fantasy version of Britain, without genuinely elected leaders, in which a one-party state was encroaching on already limited freedoms. Faced with such a reality, thrown bricks would be the least of it.//
（我地有時真係慣咗去尊重嗰啲警察同政府嘅權威，就算佢地用非民主同壓制嘅手段都好似盲咗咁。唔該用個腦幻想下，如果英國無一個真正民選嘅領袖，然後得一個政黨，仲要慢慢侵蝕已經有限嘅自由，睇下你地會點？面對咁嘅環境，相信磚頭已經係最小事啦。）

結論：

//We are lucky that we will never have to face such oppression. We should not be quick to judge those in Hong Kong who do. Far from condemning them as thugs, we should support them in their struggle, recognise their courage and salute them for their continuing and remarkable restraint.//
（我地好彩從來都唔洗面對咁嘅壓迫，所以唔應該咁快去判斷要面對嘅香港人。唔好話指責，我地直情要支持佢地嘅抗爭，表揚佢地嘅勇氣，讚揚佢地嘅堅持同克制。）

Richard Lloyd Parry癲到咁，真係呼籲大家去佢個Twitter教訓下佢：
https://twitter.com/dicklp?s=20

#國際同路人
#手足

Photo Source: The Times Capture
原文傳送門：
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/…/hong-kong-sometimes-you-have-t…

泰晤士報亞洲編輯勁文共賞：

Hong Kong: Sometimes you have to fight for freedom
「香港：有時候係需要為自由而戰」
We in the West have no right to condemn the violence of protesters facing tyranny
「西方社會無資格去譴責對抗暴政嘅暴力抗爭」

《The Times》泰晤士報今日11月28號刊登亞洲編輯Richard Lloyd Parry用咁爆嘅標題「暴走」式癲咗咁去評論香港示威，要留意唔係專欄作家、評論員或者嘉賓投稿呀。內容直情係英文版嘅「和勇合一」，「不割蓆、不篤灰、不指責」，加埋「不完美，可接受」超級專業版國際文宣。真係忍唔住當學英文，節錄幾段亂咁譯同大家「勁文同賞」。

（帶番套Full Gear講明先，係佢「宣揚暴力」同「美化暴徒行為」，本Page只係英文翻譯學術交流流，本人熱愛和平，討厭政治，最憎對抗暴政好似華盛頓同孫中山之類嘅暴徒！但係點解會覺得感動呢？）

//We like our moral heroes to be cuddly, as well as brave, and for the first few months the democracy protesters of Hong Kong met both of these requirements...A million Davids stood up against the Goliath of the Chinese state and people around the world cheered — until, in the past few weeks, it all started to turn nasty.//
（我地從來都鐘意道德英雄，勇敢得黎又可愛又剩咁，香港人最初嗰幾個月就係咁有齊晒咁嘅優點。好似一百萬個大衛對抗巨人歌莉婭咁，睇到全世界都好開心，直到近幾個星期前，情況就開始有啲肉酸。）

然後講述磚頭、汽油彈、投石器同「鶳」出現嘅情況唔重覆，佢話中國政府形容呢班係「暴徒」（"thugs"）一啲都唔意外，不過覺得好驚訝某啲西方傳媒，特別係嗰啲澳洲報紙用「賊匪」同「蒙面恐怖份子」（“bandits” and “masked terrorists”）做形容詞。

//Let there be no doubt, there is no excuse for beating up people who disagree with you, or who arouse your suspicion because they are speaking mainland Chinese. But these crimes are nothing compared with the institutionalised violence bearing down on the protesters from all sides.//
（咪誤會，人地有唔同意見或者講普通話就鶳一定係唔啱，但係呢啲唔能夠同示威者所面對嘅全方位制度暴力去比㗎。）

//Hong Kong is deceptive, at least on superficial acquaintance...But the freedom has iron limits.//
（好膚淺咁表面去睇，香港嘅所謂自由其實係個騙局咁...因為呢啲自由有鐵一般嘅限制。）

//Despite limited autonomy, they are part of China, a one-party dictatorship with a history of murderously oppressing those who challenge its authority.//
（雖然擁有有限嘅自治，但咪忘記係响一個一黨專政，歷史上對異己殘酷欺壓嘅國家嘅一部份喎。）

//For all the visible trappings of civilisation, this is not London, New York or Tokyo. The protesters throwing firebombs at the police at the Polytechnic University are not to be compared to anti-war protesters or climate change demonstrators, or any of the activists on the streets of western cities. People in those places have no cause to resort to violence. Whether or not they get what they want, they have multiple means of articulating their grievances in print, on television, via the internet, as well as at the ballot box. In Hong Kong, unlike mainland China, people can express themselves freely but have no means to choose leaders who reflect the popular will.//
（大家剩係見到表面嘅文明，喂，香港唔L係倫敦、紐約或者東京呀。班西方反戰、環保或者是但街頭抗爭嗰啲，係比唔上理大向警察揼汽油彈嘅示威者。因為西方嗰班友，就算爭取唔到，至少仲可以靠印刷、上電視、上網甚至用選票之類暴力以外嘅方法去爭取訴求。香港人其實只係得把口係自由，係完全無方法去揀一個領袖去反映民意㗎！）

嗱，最爆嘅論點黎喇！

//All of us of the right-thinking persuasion pride ourselves on “deploring violence”. But very few of us are true pacifists. In extreme circumstances, faced with a direct threat to the physical wellbeing of ourselves or our loved ones, many of us would raise a fist or something worse. Most people agree that against a threat like that posed by Nazi Germany, for example, even war can be a dreadful necessity.//
（我地企响道德高地口口聲聲「譴責暴力」緊係自high㗎喎，但唔該自問一下有幾多個係真正嘅和平主義者先啦。實情係响極端嘅情形之下，如果自己或者親人面對直接危險嘅時候，大家唔只出手啦，再激啲都會。正如大部份人都唔會反對，當年面對納粹德國咁恐怖嘅威脅，戰爭係必須嘅。）

//Many of us too would compromise our habitual respect for the authority of police and government if it were wielded in an oppressive and undemocratic way. Imagine some fantasy version of Britain, without genuinely elected leaders, in which a one-party state was encroaching on already limited freedoms. Faced with such a reality, thrown bricks would be the least of it.//
（我地有時真係慣咗去尊重嗰啲警察同政府嘅權威，就算佢地用非民主同壓制嘅手段都好似盲咗咁。唔該用個腦幻想下，如果英國無一個真正民選嘅領袖，然後得一個政黨，仲要慢慢侵蝕已經有限嘅自由，睇下你地會點？面對咁嘅環境，相信磚頭已經係最小事啦。）

結論：

//We are lucky that we will never have to face such oppression. We should not be quick to judge those in Hong Kong who do. Far from condemning them as thugs, we should support them in their struggle, recognise their courage and salute them for their continuing and remarkable restraint.//
（我地好彩從來都唔洗面對咁嘅壓迫，所以唔應該咁快去判斷要面對嘅香港人。唔好話指責，我地直情要支持佢地嘅抗爭，表揚佢地嘅勇氣，讚揚佢地嘅堅持同克制。）

Richard Lloyd Parry癲到咁，真係呼籲大家去佢個Twitter教訓下佢：
https://twitter.com/dicklp?s=20

#國際同路人
#手足

Photo Source: The Times Capture
原文傳送門：
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/comment/hong-kong-sometimes-you-have-to-fight-for-freedom-wr0ws73mm

蕭叔叔短評被譽為「人生有呢種朋友不枉此生」的黃仁龍那十頁紙求情信

全文：

http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001

（報章轉載錯漏不少，敬請留意）

I have known Mr Donald Tsang since 2005. As Secretary for Justice (SJ), I worked closely with Donald as Chief Executive (CE) between October 2005 and June 2012. In addition to official dealings, I consider Donald to be a good friend and someone I admire for his dedication to public service.

Donald's over 40 years of service and contribution to Hong Kong is a matter of public record. Others will speak to his key role in helping Hong Kong weather through stormy financial crises. Here I would refer to his significant contributions to the public based on my own personal experience particularly in the area of the rule of law in Hong Kong.

During my 7-year tenure as SJ, I had on numerous occasions tendered legal advice to Donald as CE. He would sometimes debate with me and test the basis of the advice; but he has never acted against such legal advice. This in itself is a remarkable attribute as the head of the HKSAR.

Donald always said to me the Governors he previously worked with, however headstrong, would always abide by the legal advice of the Attorney General, and it is important that the CE of the HKSAR should stay that way.

Congo Case

One of the most important tasks, if not the most important task, of the CE of HKSAR is to faithfully and effectively implement the principle of “one country, two systems.” The power of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) to interpret the Basic Law and its exercise have always been considered a major challenge to the post-1997 constitutional order.

During my tenure as SJ, the NPCSC interpreted the Basic Law once in 2011. That was upon the reference by the Court of Final Appeal (CFA) on the question of state immunity. The issue in the case is whether the People’s Republic of China’s doctrine of absolute immunity (under which no foreign state can be sued in the court at all) should be followed in Hong Kong. Prior to 1997, Hong Kong’s common law provided for restrictive immunity, where foreign states could be sued if the dispute arouse out of commercial transactions.

The HKSAR Government lost in the Court of First Instance and in the Court of Appeal. If the Government were to lose again in the CFA, it could stir up serious political and economic repercussions for China particularly vis-à-vis her African friends. National interest of China was at stake. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was understandably very concerned.

Immense political pressure mounted. There were suggestions that Beijing should not take any risk but should consider taking more definitive measures such as an interpretation of the Basic Law before the appeal was heard. If that were to happen, on the eve of the appeal hearing, the damage to judicial independence would not be less than an overriding post-judgment interpretation.

I cannot go into further details for confidentiality reasons. However, I can testify that Donald has been solid and staunch in endorsing my stance against any extra-judicial measure in view of its adverse impact on the rule of law.

Owing in no small part to Donald’s endorsement and resolve, the Central People’s Government (CPG) was content to trust the HKSAR Government and the CFA, and to leave the appeal to be heard by the highest court, despite grave risk and many conflicting views given by others. At the end, the Government won in the CFA by a majority of 3 to 2. The Court further referred the relevant Basic Law provisions to Beijing for interpretation, as required under Article 158 of the Basic Law, before pronouncing the final judgment. A huge constitutional crisis was warded off. The rule of law had prevailed.

Over this difficult episode, I know Donald had been under tremendous pressure. I remember often times he suffered from acute acid reflux before and after major discussions. Yet he stood firm throughout.

As CE, Donald had faithfully discharged the indispensable trust reposed by both the CPG and by Hong Kong. He had the courage to stand by what he believes to be right and the ability to address mutual concerns and to strengthen mutual understanding. He had performed well the crucial bridging role in the two-way process under “one country, two systems” at critical times.

Constitutional Reform

There was another important event in which Donald’s principled stance had been vital in achieving a favourable result for Hong Kong: constitutional reform.

Although no change could be made of the imminent 2017 CE election method due to the set-backs in 2016, during Donald’s tenure as CE, he has been made significant contributions toward moving Hong Kong closer to universal suffrage.

The first landmark was achieved, with tremendous efforts by the core team under Donald’s lead, when the NPCSC delivered its decision in December 2007 setting out “the timetable” and “road map” for universal suffrage in terms of the elections of CE and Legco.

Second, in 2010, the Government managed to secure Legco’s support to pass the 2012 constitutional reform package. Here, Donald had played a pivotal role, one perhaps not many are aware of.

Whether the 2012 reform package could be passed in 2010 was crucial to ensure “gradual and orderly progress” and that the next round (i.e. the intended goals of universal suffrage in electing CE in 2017) could be achieved.

In June 2010, the original government proposal was losing support and hope was vanishing for it to be passed at Legco. Time was running out. Whether to modify the package by incorporating a proposal of the Democratic Party (i.e. the additional 5 District Council Functional Constituency seats to be elected by over 3 million electorate, “the new DCFC election method”) appeared to be the lynchpin.

Without going into details again for confidentiality reasons, I can again testify that the make-or-break moment was when Donald made the timely and difficult decision to revise the package by incorporating the new DCFC election method. It was an agonizing decision for him as he had to override certain internal opposition and to risk personal credibility and trust before the CPG. As an insider, I know that decision was not a political manoeuvre but a selfless act for the sake of the long-term wellbeing of Hong Kong and the smooth transition toward universal suffrage.

Son of Hong Kong

Donald is truly a “son of Hong Kong” (香港仔). His genuine concern for the public good is most vividly demonstrated when Hong Kong was caught in crises of one kind of another.

Hong Kong went through attacks of avian flu and swine flu. Donald tirelessly headed the cross-bureau task forces and chaired long and intensive meetings. I remember more than once Donald being caught in very heated debates with colleagues, pushing them to the limit to mobilize maximum resources and manpower, in order to give the public maximum protection against these outbreaks. He would grill colleagues over thorny issues such as requisitioning hotels as places of quarantine, not satisfied with the usual civil service response of reluctance, as lives of many were at stake.

Over the Manila hostage incident in August 2010, Donald vigorously pressed the President of the Philippines for full investigation, joining the victims’ families and the rest of Hong Kong to cry for justice, although his action raised eyebrows as foreign affairs strictly is a matter of the CPG under Article 13 of the Basic Law.

Donald had a strong concern for young people. During my tenure, exceptionally I was commissioned to chair a Steering Committee to combat drug abuse by youth. The public might not realize this initiative in fact came from Donald. He was deeply concerned and alarmed by the reports reflecting the seriousness of the problem. He was determined to tackle the problem pro-actively. The Steering Committee was unprecedented, involving concerted and strategic efforts of different departments and bureaus. More importantly, Donald was instrumental in putting in substantial and sustainable resources to strengthen the efforts. The figures of reported drug abusers, particularly among young abusers, have seen significant decline in the past few years.

Other contributions on the rule of law

There was no shortage of controversial cases involving judicial reviews and fundamental human rights. Amidst other voices and political pressure, Donald had fully taken on board the legal position that the Government has a positive duty to protect such rights, including taking reasonable and appropriate measures to enable lawful demonstrations to take place peacefully.

Further, Donald also readily took on my advice regarding procedural fairness in handling Government businesses with quasi-judicial element such as administrative appeals.

Donald truly believes in judicial independence. He assured me repeatedly the independent and internationally renowned Judiciary in the HKSAR is our pride and the cornerstone of our success. His personal commitment to this cause is manifested in his positive response in acceding to many recommendations of the Mason Report endorsed by the Standing Committee on Judicial Salaries and Conditions of Service.

Furthermore, his conviction on the importance of the law as Hong Kong’s assets was amply manifested in his exceptional support in the development of Hong Kong’s capacity as an international arbitration centre. Donald was very understanding on the need of expansion on this front and had put in personal efforts to make it happen. He was instrumental in enabling resources are in place to secure additional space for the Hong Kong International Arbitration Centre, and to procure the arbitration arm of the International Chamber of Commerce and the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission to set up regional offices in Hong Kong.

A fair man who has given much to the public

Before joining the Government, I was an Election Committee member of the Legal Subsector elected on the same ticket as Ms Audrey Eu, Mr Alan Leong and other vocal barristers. In that capacity, in 2005, I first met Donald in an election forum where I questioned him harshly and criticised the Government’s earlier attitude over certain rule of law issues. Instead of bearing any grudge, in the late summer of 2005, Donald invited me to take up the post as SJ, assuring me that he would give me full support in upholding the rule of law in Hong Kong. That quality of fairness in Donald and that personal assurance to me have never slackened in the following 7 years in which I served in his cabinet.

As CE of the HKSAR, Donald had truly poured himself out. I strongly believe his significant contributions to Hong Kong in the past over 4 decades should be properly recognized.

Dated the 20th day of Februray 2017.

Wong Yan Lung SC

- See more at: http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001#sthash.0nwGN3QA.dpuf

Story

咖啡的香郁、愛情的甜美、巴黎的浪漫
相識、相戀、相愛的過程，
就如同一杯濃醇咖啡的精雕細琢，
穿越巴黎市區的浪漫，
從咖啡豆到精緻粉末，
由滾水熱燙到綿密奶泡，
這是咖啡店的老闆娘的愛情故事，
享受人生，享受愛。

Café de L'amour運用巴黎的建築樣貌來設計煮咖啡的機關，包含了兩隻木偶演出的愛情故事。在這個愛的旅程中，女孩遠渡重洋來到巴黎，首先體驗巴黎歌劇院的藝術饗宴，接著在地鐵中遇到了男孩，經過新藝術時期的地下鐵入口，兩人一同拜訪紅磨坊，到了聖心堂產生愛苗，經過拉維特公園，龐畢度，塞納河，在聖母院感情更加溫熱；繼續旅行巴黎鐵塔，羅浮宮，協和廣場，最後男孩求婚了，新人步入香榭大道，在大家的祝福下，男孩與女孩在完美的結局凱旋門許下終生。

This short film tells the love story of the owner of Café de L'amour,
through a cup of a romatic coffee,
a sweet love memory, and
fourteen sceneries in the romantic city Paris.
It is like that a sophisticated coffee making process
starts from the fine coffee beans to carefully grounded powder,
boiled water pouring through, and creamy foam adding on.
It is a sweet love story to enjoy the life,
and to love your love ones. [TSL, 2010]

Café de L'amour uses the structure of Paris to design the organization of coffee machine. It contains the love story between two carved wooden figures. In this love journey, the girl who traveled to Paris experienced the art cuisine of the Opéra national de Paris, and ran into the boy when passing Art Nouveau subway entrance. They visited the Moulin Rouge together and felt in love with each other when they reach Sacré Coeur Basilique du. Later, they went along to Parc de la Villette, Pompidou, Seine River and Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Paris. They love each other more and more. When they continue their journey to Eiffel Tower, Musée du Louvre, and Place de la Concorde, the boy made a proposal. The couple goes along Les Champs with the blessings from everyone. They commit their whole life to each other and end the journey happily up at Arc de Triomphe.

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Awards

1.)2010Technology EXPO_Championship&The Most Popularity全國技專院校學生實務專題製作競賽暨成果展 第一名&最佳人氣獎
2.)2010reddot_reddot award
3.)2010 anim'est 5th anim'est International animation film festival
4.)2010Taipei County Film Festival Golden Lion International Student Film Competition_Offical Selection台北縣電影藝術節國際學生影展金獅獎入圍
5.)2010金車文藝中心動畫人創作祭展出
6.)ASIAGRAPH 2010 in TOKYO CG Animation Theater _Excellent works
7.)2010第五届全国大学生原创动画大赛NACA 2010_優秀獎
8.)Digital Turku 2011_ Jury's Recommendation
9.)99全國學生創藝作品線上競賽_第一名
10.)第33屆金穗獎_優等學生作品獎，個人單項 最佳動畫設計獎
11.)首爾動畫節(SICAF)學生項目比賽提名2011SICAF_official selection
12.)台北電影節入圍
13.) 2011亚洲青年动漫大赛_评委会奖（专业类）暨最佳作品奖
14.) iF concept award 2011

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About me

蔡昀潔，1987年出生於台灣，畢業於台灣科技大學工商業設計系，目前就讀台灣科技大學-設計研究所-資訊設計組一年級，從7年前開始接觸設計，3年前開始接觸動畫及影片製作，成為最有興趣的設計項目，在我心目中影片能夠打動人心，不論在於動畫或電影，當中的動態表演、故事內容、技術、風格...這些都是能構成好作品的元素，學無止盡，愈是看到好作品就會更加勉勵自己要向前，而這些動力來源也是Café de L'amour的核心價值：享受人生，享受愛。

Yun-Chieh Tsai was born in 1987, Taiwan. I major in Industrial and Commercial Design Department at the National Taiwan University of Science and Technology. I entered the design field seven years ago and got involved with animation and film production in the last three years. It became the most interesting thing to me since then. I believe that films and animations are able to arouse people's sympathy and emotion. A good film is composed with several key components, such as the story content, rendering technique, style design...etc. I encourage myself that there is always something new worth learning. The more sophisticated works we see, the more inspired ideas come to us. These inspirations are indeed the core value of the movie Café de L'amour: Enjoy Life, Enjoy Love!

Click "show more" for English caption.
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=10151702211957181 (facebook 版)
是咁的，之前政府被揭正諮詢「發展郊野公園用地」，更有「高官」說「從來沒去過郊野公­園，用來發展沒問題」，小弟聽後感到十分悲哀，除了送它「三個字」之外，同時也只能製­作一條「郊」片，讓更多人知道郊野公園美麗的一面。 雖然議案沒落實 (也不排除有落實的一天)，但請保護我們的郊野公園，讓更多人好好享用。

喜歡的/不想郊野公園被起樓的請按 Like 及 Share

此 Time Lapse 影片由2013年6月開始，以業餘的時間拍攝至今，拍攝地點如下:
盧吉道
蒲台島
石澳郊野公園
鶴咀海岸保護區
大帽山郊野公園
西貢東郊野公園
北大嶼山郊野公園

器材如下：
5D2, 6D, EF 16-35L II, EF 24-105L, Sigma 15 fisheye.
No motion control unit.

Last month, the Government was discovered to be tempted to hold a consultation over "Construction development at the country parks in Hong Kong", and there were even some government officials claiming that they have never been to any country parks in their lifetime, there's no problem of construction at these country parks. I find his words offensive and deplorable.I cannot think of anything to say, except to make a video about Hong Kong's country parks, to show the innate beauty of the country parks to the general public. Although certain policies or plans have not been introduced yet, there is no guarantee that similar plans would not be proposed again by the Government again in the future. I just wish that this video can arouse all your attention, to take action and to conserve our country parks for the sake of our next generation.

Since 2013 June, I have started to produce this time lapse by taking photos everywhere in Hong Kong in my free time, and the places appearing in the video are as follows, Lugard Road, Po Toi Island, Shek O Country Park, Cape D'Aguilar Marine Reserve, Tai Mo Shan Country Park, Sai Kung East Country Park and Lantau North Country Park.

Gear: Canon 5D2, 6D, EF 16-35L II, EF 24-105L, Sigma 15 fisheye. No motion control unit is used.

If you like this video or you are unwilling to see our scarce country parks being redeveloped into blocks of residential flats, please like or share it.
But, if you find the video is a waste of time or of poor quality , you are welcomed to leave a comment here.

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