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Hong Kong Independence?
…all you need to know about recent Hong Kong in 15 minutes
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↓↓Transcript (as requested)↓↓

我們之前提及香港與中國有截然不同的制度
So previously we talked about Hong Kong and China having vastly a different system
香港是一個仿民主社會，而中國即由中國共產黨統治
Hong Kong is a quasi-democratic society while China is dominated by the Chinese Communist Party
所以我們不希望人們混淆兩者
…so we don’t want people to get confused between the two
但故事還未講完
But the story doesn’t end here
明年是2017年，香港主權移交給中國的20週年
Next year 2017, it would be 20 years since Hong Kong’s turnover to China
你大概會以為這段時間香港和中國會越走越近
You would’ve thought that during this time, Hong Kong and China would’ve grown closer to one another
但事實卻非如此
But it has not been so.
香港人和中國人反而變得越來越有隔膜
If anything, we’ve grown to be more and more apart.
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沒錯 在過去20年
Yes it is true that during the last two decades
中國從一個發展中國家 發展成現時最大經濟體系之一
China has gone from being a developing country to what is now one of the largest, if not the largest economy in the world
人民收入增加 生活質素提升 有些中國人也躋身全球富豪榜
…which means rising income for Chinese citizens, better quality of life and China has some of the richest people in the world
香港人應該為中國人身份感到自豪吧
If anything, Hong Kong people should be a proud China man!
我還記得2008北京奧運 那個開幕典禮實在是精妙絕倫
I still remember seeing the Beijing Olympics in 2008; that opening ceremony was outrageously amazing
花了很多心機 很好看
…it was beautifully done and such a joy to watch
那是香港人少有地為國家感到自豪的一刻
It was one of those rare moments where Hong Kong people share the same sense of pride as the rest of China
不過 現實歸現實
But the Olympics is one thing, and reality is another
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事實上，自主權移交以來，香港和中國一直有許多矛盾和衝突
The truth is there have been a lot of conflicts between Hong Kong and China since the handover
香港向中國打開了大門，每天都有大量中國遊客到訪
Hong Kong has largely opened up to China where we get a huge number of Chinese tourists every day
旅客本身不應該是個問題，但我們目睹過不少中國旅客的不文明行為
並不是問題。重點在於中國遊客所製造出來的問題。
While tourism shouldn’t be a problem in itself, we have witnessed a lot of issues with these Chinese tourists
例如不懂得在迪士尼樂園排隊 和隨地小便
There had been reports of uncivilized behavior such as not knowing how to queue in Disneyland and… pissing on the street.
我必須強調 不是所有中國遊客都會這樣做 只有一部份會這樣做
And I can’t emphasize enough, not every Chinese tourists do it, it’s just some that does it
但由於香港每天都有大量的中國遊客 這成為了一個逼切的問題
…but because Hong Kong gets so many of them, that becomes a daily problem for people living in Hong Kong.
除此之外，我們可以看到名牌店和藥房的數量激增，以滿足中國遊客的需求
And it’s not just that, we see the rise in luxury shops and pharmacies in Hong Kong to tailor the need of Chinese tourists
如果你去上水（很接近中國邊境的地方）的街頭
If you go to a street in Sheung Shui, which is a place very close to the mainland border
我以前常常去的──你會看見到處都是藥房
I used to go there a lot - you see streets full of pharmacies
其實我完全不明白為何這些店舖會叫做藥房
…and I don’t even know why they are called pharmacies
因為他們主要不是售賣藥物，而是奶粉和尿片
…because mainly they don’t sell medicine, they sell baby milk formula and diapers.
事實上 大陸人不相信中國製的貨品
The thing is, mainland Chinese don’t trust their own stuff
因為在中國任何東西都有可能是假的 那裡沒有質量管制或食物安全
…because you can get fake everything in China; there’s no quality control or food safety
所以很多中國人都會來香港買日用品 如奶粉
So many Chinese come to Hong Kong to buy daily stuff and one product that has always been in high demand is baby milk formulas
香港部份地區甚至出現奶粉短缺的問題
It has got to a point where the supply became so tight that there is a shortage of milk formulas in some areas of Hong Kong
如果你住在歐洲或美國，這情況可能難以置信
If you are living in the Europe or the US, this might sound really hard to believe
嬰兒配方奶粉和尿片！但這是真的，這切切實實在香港發生
Milk formula and diapers, but it’s true, it is what’s happening in Hong Kong.
還有其他問題，例如中國孕婦來港產子等
I can go on about other stuff as well such as the number of Mainland pregnant women who come to Hong Kong
事實上，在2010年，37%新生嬰兒的父母均不是香港永久居民
In fact, in 2010, as much as 37% of all babies born in Hong Kong have neither parents being a permanent Hong Kong resident
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基於這些中港矛盾的問題 香港出現越來越嚴重的反中情緒
Basically because of all these things, this has led to an increasingly serious anti-Chinese hype in Hong Kong
很多香港人都不歡迎中國人 只想他們離開
Many local people are furious and just want them to go away
但對我來說 問題永遠出於制度
But to me, the real problem always lies in the system
我不想將整件事歸疚於中國人身上
Conceptually, I hate to put my frustration upon the Chinese people
因為要來港購物以保障自身安全並不是他們的錯
Because it’s not their fault that they have to buy things from Hong Kong to ensure that they are safe
但制度上出了甚麼問題？
But what about the system?
關於這個制度我簡述如下
There’s a lot I can say about this system, but for now I will just simplify it as follows
在制度頂端有中國共產黨，之後有香港政府和立法會中的建制派
At the top of the system we have the Chinese Communist Party, then we have the Hong Kong government and the pro-establishment camp in our Legislative council
簡單來說，這個制度一直想將香港變成中國的一個普通城市
In short, this system has been trying to turn Hong Kong into just another city of China
並且破壞一國兩制的原則
…and damaging the core principle of “One Country, Two Systems”
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很長時間以來，香港人一直在爭取民主
For a long time, Hong Kong people have been advocating for full democracy
即是普選，可以提名和投票給我們自己的領袖（行政長官）
That means universal suffrage with the right to nominate and elect our own leader, which in Hong Kong is called the Chief Executive
根據基本法，我們有普選的權利
According to the Basic Law, we have a legal right to universal suffrage.
在過去20年，中國政府曾多次承諾香港人會有普選
In the past 20 years, the Chinese government has assured Hong Kong several times that we are going to get universal suffrage
但他們一直拖延實施普選的日期
But they have been pushing back the date for it
又推托說香港人未準備好，所以2007年和2012年都沒有普選。
…and kept saying Hong Kong wasn’t ready, so we didn’t get it in 2007 and 2012
但北京承諾香港2017年可普選特首
But the Chinese has set a timeline for it, and they said Hong Kong would eventually get universal suffrage by 2017
結果，2014年8月31日，北京說
And guess what, on 31st August 2014, the Chinese said
好，你可以有你想要的普選，但我們需要增加幾個條件
Alright you are going to get your universal suffrage, but we are going to have to impose some conditions
首先，行政長官必需愛國
First the Chief Executive must be someone who is patriotic to China
第二，候選人需要先得到現有的行政長官選舉委員會的提名 (絕大部分都是親中代表)
Secondly candidates are going to be nominated by the current Election Committee, which consists (mostly) of 1200 pro-Beijing representatives
最後，無論誰勝出選舉，都要得到中國政府委任才可成為行政長官
Lastly, whoever wins the popular election must be appointed by the Chinese government
所以他們就是說，好，你們可以普選，但我們保留剔除任何人的權利
So basically they are saying, alright you can get your vote but we reserve the right to screen out anyone that we dislike
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北京公布831決定後，香港人當然很憤怒
After this was announced by the Chinese officials, we were bloody furious
所以我們展開了一連串抗議行動，要求真普選
So we began a series of protests demanding for “true universal suffrage”
我們一直以來都覺得普選就是
For years we have always thought universal suffrage means just that
一個民主及公開的選舉
The right to vote in a democratic and open election
但是中共卻憑空製造了完全相反的東西
But the CCP managed to create something that is completely contrary to that
結果，大學生開始罷課
As a result, university students like myself began boycotting classes
並參與在金鐘香港政府總部外舉行的集會
…and attended gathering outside the Hong Kong government headquarters in Admiralty to protest
這演變成持續79天的佔領金鐘、銅鑼灣和旺角的運動
This has then turned into a 79-days long widespread occupy movement in streets of Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mongkok
期間警察使用催淚彈和胡椒噴霧來驅散我們，我們即用雨傘作盾
During this time, police has used tear gas and pepper spray to try to get rid of us and we used umbrellas as shield
解釋了為什麼這叫雨傘運動或雨傘革命
That’s why this is called the Umbrella Movement or Umbrella Revolution
我個人不喜歡稱之為革命，因為革命通常與激進的改變有關
Personally I don’t like to call it a revolution, because revolution is often associated with some sort of radical change
但對於我們來說，79天佔領街頭後，仍毫無成果
But for us, after 79-days of occupying the streets, nothing has changed.
到今天為止，一切維持原狀──沒有行政長官普選
So to this day, the status quo remains – there is no universal suffrage for our Chief Executive election
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但是為何我們這麼想要普選？
But why do we want universal suffrage so much?
你要明白，我們的制度一直都有缺陷
Well you have to understand that our governmental system has always been institutionally flawed
一般當我們提到三權分立時，有行政、立法和司法三個機關
Usually when we talk about the Separation of Powers, we have the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary
這三個機關本應互相制衡，沒有人能夠掌控一切的權力
They are meant to act as checks and balances of each other so no one gets too much power
因為正如英國的阿克頓男爵所言：
…because as Lord Acton famously said,
「權力導致腐敗，絕對權力導致絕對腐敗。」
“Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
我們不但行政長官是經由1200人的小圈子挑選 當中大部份為親中人士
Not only is our leader of the executive selected by a small-group of 1,200 voters – the majority of whom are pro-Beijing
我們連立法會也不能全部直選
We also don’t get to vote entirely for our Legislative Council
事實上，我們只能直選立法會的一半議員
In fact, only half of our legislators get directly elected by us
另外一半是由所謂的功能組別選出
The other half are elected through the so-called Functional Constituencies
香港一共有28個功能組別
There are 28 different functional constituencies, representing different seats in our Legislative council
原意是為了讓香港不同的界別和工種都能對政府政策有話語權
Originally this meant to provide different professions across Hong Kong to have a say in government politics
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但這個制度本質上存在缺陷
But there’s a huge problem – this system is fundamentally flawed
最為人爭議的是，這制度容許公司和專業團體登記為選民
Most controversially, it allows companies and professional bodies to register as voters
製造了一個漏洞讓大公司同時間可持有多張選票
So this creates a loophole where big business can hold multiple votes at the same time
以飲食業為例，大公司可以登記每間分店為一個選民
Consider the catering constituency, big restaurant companies can register each of their outlets as voters
像大家樂這種大型的連鎖餐廳
So big food chain like Café De Carol
不，這不是一間法國菜餐廳，這是港式快餐店
Nope, it is not a French restaurant – it’s a fast food Chinese restaurant
這些大公司可以登記上一百張選票
Something like that can register up to a hundred votes if they like
另外，不同功能組別之間也有很大差異
Also there is a huge discrepancy between different functional constituencies
例如，在衛生服務界，有37,000個登記選民，但在保險界卻只有130個
For example, in the Health Services sector, there are 37,000 registered voters, whereas in Insurance, there are only 130 registered voters
這個差異根本不合邏輯 為甚麼有些行業會得到更廣泛的代表？
There is really no logical explanation for it – why are some industry represented more fairly while others are not
事實上，近半功能組別都是自動當選的，大部份的席位都由建制派瓜分
In fact, almost half of the functional constituencies are uncontested and most of the seats are dominated by the pro-establishment camp.
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這有甚麼實際意義？
But what is the actual significance?
當立法會議員自行提出草案和議案時，我們有所謂的分組點票
You see, when individual legislators propose bills and motions, we have a split-voting system
意思是，在草案通過之前，
…meaning that to be able to pass the bill
需要得到地區直選和功能組別兩方面均過半數支持
It requires a majority vote in both the geographical constituency – those directly elected by us – and the functional constituency
所以就算一個草案得到總共過半數的支持
So we can have a bill that is supported by the majority of the legislators
但仍會因為在功能組別方面未過半數而流產
But fails nonetheless because it did not pass the functional constituency
理論上，只要控制了功能組別的半數就可以否決任何議員草案或議案
So in effect, you only need half of the votes within the Functional Constituency to reject all bills and motions put forward by individual legislators.
但政府提出的卻不一樣，
But the same does not apply to government bills
只需要取得過半數的支持就可以了
For government bills, you only need to get a majority from all the legislators as a whole
所以有時候會有一些政府議案原本被大部分直選議員反對
So sometimes we have bills that are opposed by the majority of those legislators directly elected by us
但基於功能界別大部份贊成而通過
…but nonetheless get through because of the functional constituency
這個制度的問題在於政府和大商家會有勾結的誘因
The major problem of this is that it creates an incentive for the Government and big business players to side with each other
一方面，有功能組別的支持，政府可以否決所有由議員提出的議案
On one hand with the help of functional constituency, the Government has an effective veto over all motions in the Legislative council
另一方面，商界自己也可以否決不符合他們商業利益的議案，如最低工資和標準工時
…while on the other hand businesses can reject motions that are contrary to their interests such as minimum wage and standard working hours
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因此，行政機關在立法方面有很大的控制權
Because of this, the executive has a lot of control over our Legislative Council
他們很多時候也會做很多與市民意願相反的決定
And they often make decisions that are contrary to public opinions
由於選舉制度上的缺陷，我們也不能有效地向行政機關問責
And because of the fundamental flaws in our electoral systems, there is no way we could hold our executive accountable in any shape or form
你也必須明白 香港政府和和中國政府之間的關係
Conceptually you also have to understand the relationship between our executive and the Chinese government
你也許會認為，在一國兩制原則下，香港政府和中國政府是分開的
It’s easy to say, well the Hong Kong government is separate from the Chinese government because of the principle of one country two systems
我們可以實行自己的政策，這不是中國政府的問題，而是香港政府本身的問題
And we can implement our own policies so it’s not the fault of the Chinese government but of our own government
也許是吧，但我們的選舉制度確保香港行政長官是忠於北京的
That is partly true, but remember we have a system as such where our Chief Executive is guaranteed to be pro-Beijing
因此香港政府和中國政府密不可分
That’s why it has an incentive to side with the Chinese government
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以現任行政長官梁振英為例 他自上任以來都在替北京擦鞋
For example, our current Chief Executive, CY Leung, he has been keen to please Beijing wherever possible
他重視中國的利益多於香港的利益
There are lots of policies where he appeared to have put Mainland’s interest above Hong Kong’s interest
如2012年，政府打算推行強制國民教育
For example, in 2012, the government tried to introduce mandatory National Education classes
想加強學生的國家認同感
…so that students can strengthen their national identity about China
但這被大眾反對，因為很多人都擔心這是偏向共產黨的洗腦教育
This was met with huge public protests as many fear that it would simply be a brainwashing curriculum biased towards the Chinese Communist Party
其他情況還包括否決香港電視的牌照申請，梁振英的5,000萬元賄款醜聞等等
There are also other instances such as the rejection of HKTV, CY Leung’s $50 million corrupt scandal – etc
我們極不滿意現在的政府
Basically, we are extremely unsatisfied with our current Government
制度本身容許我們的政府恣意妄為
The system itself allows for our government to potentially be arbitrary and self-serving
而我們沒有有效的方法向政府問責
And there’s no way we could hold our government accountable in any shape or forms
這就是我們想要普選的原因：我們想選擇自己的領袖
That’s why we want universal suffrage so much – so that we can choose our own leader
當然，這不會在一夕間解決所有問題，但會是一個通往更民主和平的制度的開端。
Yes it won’t solve everything but it will be a start to a more democratic and fair system
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雨傘運動是前所未有的
The Umbrella Movement was a first of its kind
雨傘運動一開始十分和平
It started off extremely peacefully
強調非暴力、理性、愛與和平等等
With an emphasis on being non-violent, rational, love and peace and all that
但隨着時間經過，梁振英政府拒絕回應
But as it went on, the CY Leung’s government managed to remain unresponsive
過了兩個月，人們都不知道要怎麼辦
Two months into occupying the streets, people simply didn’t know what to do
而示威者和警察之間的關係則每況愈下
And the relationship between the protesters and the police got worse by days
有警察使用暴力對待示威者
There was alleged police violence
其中有七個警察將一個示威者拖到暗角施暴
Seven police officers took a protester to a dark corner and beat him up
無可避免地，雨傘運動最終演變成示威者和警察之間暴力的衝突──市民被打、被捕
Inevitably the movement turned into something more violent with protesters clashing with the police – people were beaten up and arrested.
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自雨傘運動以來，社會處於嚴重撕裂的狀態
Since the Umbrella Movement, the society has been hugely divided
市民對警察的信任度跌至新低
Police confidence has gone to an all-time low
一方面，我們發現和平的示威遊行再沒有用
On one hand, we realize peaceful protest no longer does a damn thing,
另一方面，人們正在尋找抗衡警力的方法──亦即採取更激進的行動
…while on the other hand, people are finding ways to counter police force – essentially resorting to more radical actions
這也引致部份市民在意識形態上與傳統泛民主派分道揚鑣
It also led to an ideological separation within the pro-democracy camp
香港的傳統泛民主派視建設民主中國為己任
Traditionally pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong felt it was their duty to build a democratic China
他們其實比任何人都更愛中國
If anything they are more patriotic to China than anyone
他們是對六四天安門事件最大感觸的人
They are the people who felt most strongly about stuff like Tiananmen Square
但在過去20年，香港民主沒有寸進，也看不到中國民主化的希望
But for the last 20 years, democracy has not been advanced for Hong Kong nor does it look likely for China
所以有人開始說
That’s why new advocates are saying,
建設民主中國是不切實際的
Well there’s no real possibility of so-called building a democratic China
我們要先自救
We need to start rescuing ourselves first
因此本土和香港獨立的概念開始萌芽，因為人們對一國兩制開始失去信心
So, there emerges the idea of localism and Hong Kong independence because people are simply losing faith in the so-called One Country Two Systems.
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這些社會不穩和躁動最終導致今年初在旺角發生的事件
All this social unrest has led to what happened earlier this year in Mongkok
那是農曆正月初一
It was the first day into Chinese Lunar New Year;
街上有小販在賣熟食
There were some street hawkers selling street food
這些小販雖是無牌經營，但他們一向都在農曆新年頭幾天擺賣，賺幾個快錢
They are unlicensed but that’s what they have always done in the first few days of Chinese New Year, just trying to make a few extra bucks
這就像香港的小傳統
It’s like a little local tradition in Hong Kong.
但今年警察突然執法，引發示威者與警察之間的衝突
But somehow this time the police decided to confront them – which has led to protesters confronting the police
突然間，小販擺賣演變成騷動，或暴亂，視乎你怎麼看
Suddenly it has turned into a huge unrest, or riot, depending which side you are on
街上有雜物起火，市民撿起磚和樽扔向警察
There were fire on the street, people picking up bricks and bottles throwing at the police
警察向天開了兩槍以鎮壓人群
Two shots were fired in the air for crowd control
這是香港二十年來都未見過的暴力
It was violence on a scale that has never been seen in Hong Kong for the last 20 years
的確 暴力的程度與本身的小販問題根本完全不相稱
In no way was the violence proportional to the whole street food and street hawker issue
但你必須明白背後的原因
But you have to be able to understand it in the light of the whole circumstances
那種自雨傘運動以來積累的憤怒和不滿
The sort of anger that has been accumulated since the Umbrella Movement
社會民怨達臨界點
Social unrest is now at its highest point
---
雨傘運動後，各種事情由壞變更壞，北京加重了對香港的控制
Things have gotten from bad to worse for Hong Kong since the Umbrella Movement. Beijing has tighten up control of Hong Kong
我們曾經享有的自由受到嚴峻挑戰
Our once enjoyed freedom has been put to some serious doubt
去年，五個在香港出售中國敏感話題的書籍的書商消失了
Five Hong Kong booksellers who sell sensitive stuff about the Chinese Communist Party went missing last year
他們沒有任何出境記錄，憑空消失了
There were no record of them going out of Hong Kong, and they just disappeared
有好一段時間，沒有人知道他們到哪裡去了，然後……
For a while no-one really knows where they went, and then…
好像魔法一樣，他們出現在中國的電視台，承認他們所謂的罪行
Like magic, there they are in Mainland China appearing on TV, confessing their guilt
其他事情還包括廉政公署（香港引以為傲的反貪污機構）大地震
Other stuff such as the ICAC, an anti-corruption body that we have always been proud of, has also been involved in some major shake-ups
更近期的有立法會選舉有六位候選人被取消資格
More recently, six candidates have been disqualified from running the Legislative Council election
他們被取消資格的原因是因為他們提倡香港獨立
They have been disqualified because they advocate for Hong Kong Independence
沒有法例授權行政機關以政治原因篩選候選人
There is nothing in the law that allows the administrative to screen out candidates running for the legislative council for political reason
這根本違反言論自由
That’s just simply grossly against freedom of speech
---
還記得四年前，港獨根本無人提及
And remember, four years ago, Hong Kong independence was not even an idea to start with
現在卻成長為一個熱議的社會話題，越來越多人支持香港獨立
Now it has turned into a whole serious social movement – more and more people are turning to Hong Kong independence
背後的原因？
And the reason behind that?
不久之前有一個網上比賽，讓人用六個字寫悲慘故事。有人寫：
A while back there was a post asking people to write sad stories in six words, and someone wrote this:
「一國，兩制，笑話。」
“One Country, Two Systems, Just kidding.”
這就是香港的現況
And that pretty much sums it up for Hong Kong.
主權移交時，曾經有人承諾我們會有
When Hong Kong got handed back over to China, we were guaranteed of all these things:
言論自由、新聞自由和法治
...the freedom of speech, the freedom of press and the rule of law
但這些都一直被破壞
But these things have been undermined hugely
北京的訊息很清晰：
The message from China is clear:
你想要高度自治嗎？
You want your high degree of autonomy and you want to feel special right?
可是你只能在我容許的限度裡享有自由
But you are only as free as we allow you to be
這些自由是我給你們的，我現在要取回你也不能作聲
We gave you that stuff so shut up if we want to take them back. Period.
但事實上中國沒有給予我們自由
But the truth is China didn’t give us freedom of speech\
我們的人權都不是中國給予的
You didn’t give us any of our fundamental rights. Period.
---
我的理解？
The way I understand it?
香港獨立是被動而不是主動的
Well Hong Kong independence is reactive rather than proactive
這是對中國收緊香港的控制所走的一步
It’s a response to the Chinese government for increasingly tightening up control of Hong Kong
我們已經對一國兩制完全失去信心
We’ve completely lost faith in One Country Two systems
所以我們要求更多自主
As a counteractive response we are demanding for more autonomy
我們想要把握自己的命運
We want to be able to grasp hold of our own fate
所以這就是香港的現狀
So this is where things are right now in Hong Kong
這是一個死結
It’s in a complete deadlock
我們只能二擇其一：接受一國一制或更激進地抗爭
We either accept for one country one system or we have to fight in a more radical manner
---
星期日是下屆立法會的選舉投票日，是雨傘運動以來的第一次選舉
On Sunday, it will be our next Legislative Council election – the first since the Umbrella Movement
天知道會發生甚麼事
God knows what’s going to happen
我希望你能去投票，好好考慮要投給誰
But I do urge you to vote, and to think about your vote
Because in a perfect world
你試想，在完美的世界裡
當立法會可以處理大多數事情的話，市民便不需要走上街頭暴力抗爭
…if things can get done in the Legislative Council, then people wouldn’t need to take to the street and to resort to any kind of violence
我們極需立法會抗衡行政機關的權力，而你的一票有莫大的幫助
We desperately need a balance of power right now – and your vote can contribute to that
我們需要議會內有更大的聲音──我們需要更多人去尋找不同的可能
We need more voice in our Legislative council – we need people to look for different possibility
呼。就是這樣。
Phew, so that’s it.
無論你來自香港或香港以外的地方
Whether you are from Hong Kong, or from outside of Hong Kong,
這段和上一段影片都對我以及很多香港人來說很重要。
This video and the last video is important to me, and to a lot of people in Hong Kong
霎時之間這可能難以消化
This is probably a lot to take in if you’re new to this, but don’t just take my words for it
但請繼續留意新聞，和其他人一起討論，做更多的資料搜集，這些東西都可在網上找到
Keep reading the news; keep talking to people about it; go research about this, it’s all over the internet
最後，謝謝收看
And lastly, thanks for watching.
天祐香港

那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)

【2016，這就是台灣人想要的總統！】

「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

（“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”）

上面那段話，是這幾天來，最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語，鏗鏘有力，也讓人無比動容...

2016，我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統，一股溫柔的力量，卻又充滿自信與霸氣，不慍不火、不卑不亢，而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國，用來在世界永續立足，最需要的態度。

朋友們告訴我，昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章，已經被下架了。對此，我真的感到非常遺憾。（更新消息：PTT貼文者並非原譯，因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書，特此致謝。）

對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿，也許不同立場的朋友，會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心，我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此，我在網路上找到備份文章，再一次（無修改）分享給我的朋友們，需要的，就幫忙再傳播出去吧！

德不孤必有鄰，一位擅長漫畫的朋友，也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風，彷彿原景重現，對我而言，那份感動，似乎又更深了一些...

有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──

而我，只能藉此臉書一角，向翻譯者、漫畫家，跟小英總統本人，獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝！

謝謝你們，讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
　

──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────

民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。

中英譯全文：

雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張

目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事：壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先

內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？

內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影

Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”

蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」

This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.

對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。

Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.

現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知（註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解），並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。

Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”

台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」

Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」

To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”

對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」

The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”

國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」

Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.

蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」

After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.

在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。

Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.

就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。

She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.

在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」

After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”

2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」

A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.

2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。

Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.

台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。

The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”

這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」

The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”

台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」

Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”

蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」

That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”

這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」

It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.

這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」

Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.

北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。

Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.

兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。

The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”

民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」

Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”

蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」

Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”

蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」

Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”

蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei

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圖片：猜猜看，認出畫風了嗎？^^

（歡迎任何形式分享，一律免問）

沒什麼意思
我個人是不太能接受”流行語“放入歌裡
有些人可能會說“醬才流行啊年輕化ㄚ”
但是我覺得這種東西會有時效性的
等你過了十年再來看的時候

大概就像現在你回頭看......
『Trust me you can make it』
『再忙也要跟你喝杯咖啡』
『KTV(K你踢你比個勝利V)』（暴露年紀）
『只有他抓得住我』
『ㄘㄟˊ～～～～』(麻辣鮮師口吻）
『ＯＧＣ 』(這還有人在用嗎....)

其實蠻過時的不是嗎 ^.^
開放下面列舉流行語歌曲大推薦～

其實我想說的是流行總有一天會過時，在流行妳也會變成所謂的”俗“

創造雋永才是身為一位富有想法的創作者該做的事情吧 對不對 ？