我個人一直是歐盟迷，認為歐盟的所作所為代表當代最進步的價值，正引領世界向前走。歐盟可以在一年內接受上百萬來自中東的難民，而極可能成為下任美國總統的共和黨川普卻大聲疾呼要在美墨邊界築長城，阻擋非法移民。看到這個對比，很難不讓人對歐盟肅然起敬！
有幸應邀參加歐盟駐台代表的餐敘，準備了一份個人對未來兩岸關係看法的簡單文字稿，做為餐敘中對話的參考。我個人認為兩岸領導人的直接接觸，或許是未來處理兩岸問題的最好管道。
講稿全文如下:
The honorable Miss Madeleine Majorenko, Head of E.E.T office, and all other honorable representatives of E. U. nations:
It is really a great honor and pleasure for me to have this opportunity to exchange views about the upcoming uncertain cross-strait relations due to D. P. P. takeover,
with ladies and gentlemen who are all highly respected specialists in this field.
Before giving presentation, I would like first to thank Mr. Lin for his effort to make
this arrangement; and I am afraid I might have to say that the views I am going to
Present are strictly personal.
President-elect Tsai has openly made it very clear that the cross strait policy of her
administration would be based on four principles:
Firstly, to maintain the status quo of the existing constitutional order.
Secondly, to honor what have been concretely achieved through official or semi
official negotiations in cross strait relations since 1992.
Thirdly, to follow democratic process.
Fourthly, to require popular support.
The first and the second principles are fundamental, while the third and the fourth
are conditional. By conditional, I mean that only further interaction is subject to the application of the principles.
The first principle is actually a promise that her administration will not pursue
Taiwan Independence de jure as is prescribed in the D. P. P.platform of 1991.
The second principle is an expression of good-willed intention that her administration
will proceed with what has officially been going on between the two sides of the strait in the past eight years.
Tsai is confident that she is well prepared for the presidency she is going to take up. She has long been aware that the severest test of her readiness for that job lies in her
policy on cross strait relations, as she once put it, “the last mile of the road to power”.
Besides putting forward friendly policies as an olive branch, Tsai has never said anything harsh toward the other side of the strait, as most D. P. P. leader would like to.
Tsai is a good scholar. For her, honesty and consistency are morals. She means what she says. We can hardly find inconsistency in her statements about cross-strait
relations since she was charged with the Mainland affairs in the year 2000 in former
D. P. P. administration.
The question hanging over now is:
Is Tsai’s stance on cross-strait relations acceptable to the other side of the Strait？
It all depends on how Beijing would like to read that stance. There should be no doubt that Beijing has studied Tsai fully and seriously.
People in Beijing are still pressing hard for the wording “the 1992 consensus” or “one China principle” to be incorporated into Tsai’s inauguration speech on May 20, although they know quite well that they can hardly expect to get it. They are still claiming that without 1992 consensus, there would be no common grounds for cross strait relations to go on as usual.
Traditionally, Beijing has always been firm at its position on issues concerning what is called ”core interest” . And Taiwan issue has always been considered as one of its core interests.
But quite often Beijing has also shown flexibility in practically dealing with matters of
grave importance.
In a political system such as present in Mainland China,bureaucrats naturally tend to be conservative for political correctness, while the political leader might think and behave differently. This is because the leader has to take the consequences anyway.
Chairman Xi of the Peoples Republic of China has actually advanced a lot further on the road of cross- strait relations, ignoring a traditional party taboo. The communist government had denied any formal government to government contact in cross-strait relations, because it did not accept the legitimacy of the government in Taiwan. This is why white gloves, the SEF and ARATS,were needed for both sides in dealing with each other in the past decades. Yet Xi initiated the meeting with president Ma last year without giving any stated justification for changing the long stood communist position.
Now let’s get back to the 1992 consensus.
Tsai did not entirely deny the 1992 consensus.She admitted that there were talks in 1992 between the two sides of the Strait, but did not agree that there was consensus as such from the talks. The argument here is simply about fact, not principle.
It seems that Beijing eventually got the point. Chairman Xi recently stressed that what really matters in the 1992 consensus is the core significance involved in it. If
people in Beijing would read carefully between the lines of all statements made by Tsai on cross-strait relations, they could surely get the positive message to the core significance they care.
Tsai is very proud of herself as being a good negotiator as well as communicator. Xi is
a practical dreamer for historical greatness. Both are well equipped with the world spirit of 21st century. Maybe the best solution to the difficulties long stubbornly existed in the cross strait relations is to leave them to direct contact of the two excellent leaders.
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