【Resident Evil Umbrella Corps PS4 Package with Blu-ray disc】
World-wide exclusive Asian package with Blu-ray disc is going to release on June 30, 2016.
Package purchaser are able to receive the bonus “Fashion Victim Pack,” which adds flashy color options for armor and weapons, also a PS4 Resident Evil Umbrella Corps dynamic custom theme featuring background images, icons, sound and background music based on the game.
The game also supports Chinese & Korea subtitle.
Moreover, player can buy an additional Upgrade Pack features a collection of iconic Resident Evil character skins, weapons, patches, custom colors, and emotes. Players can join the fray with masks for Chris Redfield, Albert Wesker, Leon S. Kennedy, Barry Burton and Jake Muller as well as a HUNK set with a helmet, mask and outfit.
【About Resident Evil Umbrella Corps】
Resident Evil Umbrella Corps is a new fast-paced third person shooter set in the iconic Resident Evil universe. The competitive online game will feature quick, intense matches in compact battle zones themed from historic Resident Evil environments such as Resident Evil 4 village & The Raccoon City.
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【Resident Evil Umbrella Corps PS4實體Blu-ray版】
亞洲獨有的PS4實體Blu-ray版將於這個星期四 (6/30) 正式發售。實體版的買家除了可獲得”Fashion Victim Pack”於服裝及武器上加入閃爍的色彩, 亦可獲得遊戲的PS4服裝主題,內容包括背景圖、圖標、音效和遊戲背景音樂。遊戲更支援中文及韓文字幕。
此外, 玩家亦可另外購買升級包(Upgrade Pack)包括一系列Resident Evil經典角色之膚色、武器、補丁、化妝品及表情的收藏。玩家可以Chris Redfield、Albert Wesker、Leon S. Kennedy、Barry Burton、 Jake Muller以及HUNK的頭盔、面具及服裝加入戰團。
【關於Resident Evil Umbrella Corps遊戲】
Resident Evil Umbrella Corps以具有標誌性的Resident Evil 世界作為背景,是以節奏見稱的第三人稱射擊遊戲。此競爭性的線上遊戲包括以歷史性的Resident Evil環境作為戰鬥區,如大家熟悉的Resident Evil 4 村莊以及浣熊市 (The Raccoon City) 等地圖, 進行快速及激烈的比賽。
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💕「愛台灣,我的選擇」系列第16發:熱愛台灣詩的美國學者白瑞梅(Amie Parry)
「我在加州內陸地區一個叫做聖伯納迪諾的小城市長大,隨後在聖地牙哥念大學和研究所,並獲得文學博士學位。求學期間我們必須至少選修一門外語,所以我就選了中文。1987年我大學畢業之後,跟朋友來了台灣一趟,在台灣教英文和學中文六個月,接著就自己一個人當起背包客在亞洲四處旅遊。
我本來想要研究中國古典詩詞,後來因為獲得傅爾布萊特獎學金,便又再度回到台灣。當時我在討論詩詞的聚會上認識了幾位現代派詩人,所以我就將研究主題轉而聚焦在台灣60、70和80年代的現代詩。我的博士論文探討的就是,以現代主義來理解現有政治語言中難以理解的現代性。我認為歷史形塑而來的經驗,往往比語言本身還要複雜。
我研究的那些詩作沒有明確的政治性,反而是有很強的實驗性質,並帶著詭譎的神秘感。當時我認識的現代派詩人大多是跟著國民黨飄洋過海來台的外省人,他們經歷過戰爭和顛沛流離,也經歷過劇烈且痛苦的歷史創傷。每個人的經驗都不同,在那個年代,也很難說出口。後來,我寫了一本關於詩的書,並聚焦在一兩位我覺得特別有趣的詩人。我在書中問了一些類似的問題:這些詩作如何幫你思考艱難的議題?
當時的現代詩已經頗有制度,許多詩人都有投稿《現代詩》這份重要的詩刊,有些詩人則是將詩作與戲劇結合。整體而言,台灣的現代詩、表演藝術和文學都發展地如火如荼,也深深吸引了我,但我還未全盤了解。當我完成博士論文時,我便獲得交通大學的教職,讓我對台灣的學術圈感到非常驚艷。而當我出版第一本著作時,我也很訝異能在美國獲獎;我根本不知道自己獲得提名,當時我問授獎單位:「為什麼選擇我的書?」他們表示:「因為書中其中一個章節是以跨國的架構來進行整體論述,妳不是單用西方的理論和東方的詩詞,而是從東西方共同錘煉出嶄新的知識。」
我目前任教於中央大學英美語文學系,除了擔任系主任之外,我也有教授寫作課、文學課和文學文化理論課程。從我1987年第一次來台灣到現在,我覺得台灣人愈來愈能自在地與來自不同地方的人交談,就個人經驗來說,我認為台灣社會愈來愈開放。我第一次來台灣時,經歷了許多台灣社會有趣的發展,也結交了許多朋友,並認識了許多學術圈的同好。我想,這些珍貴的回憶就是呼喚我再度回台的動力;就像是,如果你覺得這個社會充滿生氣和活力,而你也能夠參與其中、做出貢獻,我想這就是像家一樣的感覺吧!」
✨白瑞梅 Amie Parry 現為中央大學英美語文學系 專任教授
💕Why I chose Taiwan #16 – Amie Parry
“I grew up in a small city in inland California called San Bernardino. I went to college and graduate school in San Diego. I got my PhD in literature. We were all expected to learn at least one language, so I did Chinese. I traveled to Taiwan with a friend right after I graduated from college in 1987. We came here to teach English and study Chinese for six months, then I traveled around Asia by myself with a backpack.
I originally wanted to study classical Chinese poetry. I got a Fulbright grant and I came back here. I started going to the poetry nights that were happening at that time. I met some of the modernist poets, and I switched my focus to the modernist poetry of the 60s, 70s, and 80s in Taiwan. I wrote my dissertation on modernism as a way of understanding the parts of modernity that are hard to know in the existing political language that we inherit. I think that experience in historical formation is always more complicated than the language.
These poems are not explicitly political; they're very experimental and strange. At the time, the modernist poets I met were mostly 外省, men who had been drafted and come over with the KMT, so they had experienced war and displacement, and a very intense and traumatic historical moment. People experienced it differently, and at that time, it was a hard thing to talk about. Later, I wrote a book about poetry, but I just focused on one or two poets I find really, really fascinating. And I was asking some of the same kinds of questions: how can these poems help you think about certain topics that are hard to think about?
At that time, Modernist poetry was a kind of an institution already. There was a journal called 現代詩, “Modern Poetry,” a really important journal that most of these poets were published in. Some of them combined poetry and theater. There's just so much going on in Taiwan in terms of poetry and performance and literature. It's just amazing. And I'm very interested in it at all, but I haven't kept up. After I finished my dissertation, I got a job offer at 交大. I thought, wow, there's something really amazing happening intellectually here. When my first book came out, it actually got an award in the U.S., and I was so surprised. I didn't even know it had been nominated. I asked them, ‘Why did you choose my book?’ And they said, because one of the chapters has a transnational of framework for the whole argument, so it wasn't like you used Western theories and Eastern texts, it's like the whole knowledge part is coming out of both places.
I currently teach in the English department at National Central University. I'm the chair and I teach writing classes, literature classes, and literary and cultural theory classes. Since my first visit to Taiwan in 1987, I think people are a little more comfortable talking to people from different places. In my personal interactions, I feel a difference, like a greater openness. Back then, there were so many interesting things happening here, all at one time, and that's the time that I happened to be here. And I made good friends in my personal life and in my intellectual life. And I think those are the things that made me come back: like if you feel that there's something interesting happening and there's some way that you can support it. I guess that's a way of feeling at home.” — Amie Parry
✨Amie Parry is professor of the Department of English at the National Central University
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小編快報
《柏林脈動》(The Berlin Pulse) 今天出刊了。這是德國一年一度的外交及國際關係專刊。作者群包括學者、智庫專家、政府官員。
這一期談歐洲問題的作者有波蘭外長、Moldova 總理、德國國防部長等等等。
今年《脈動》特別做了中國專題,作者有五位,分別是:
中國的全國人大外事委員會副主任委員傅瑩、日本眾議會議員Minora Kiuchi、巴黎的中國問題專家Francois Godement、曾任澳洲駐華大使,現任外交及貿易秘書長的Frances Adamson,以及台灣的龍應台。
德國編輯在文末放了一個德國的民意調查圖表,提問是:「面對中國,你認為德國應該更強力保護自己的政治利益,即使犧牲經濟利益?」
答案:贊成 76%
反對 19%
小編把龍應台文章翻譯成中文,跟讀者分享。英文原文附在後面。如果嫌我翻譯得不好,那那那,那表示你英文很好,你就看英文吧......
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兩千三百萬人在獨木舟上
——為什麼歐洲應該關切台灣的未來
反對黨公布2020總統候選人名單的那一天,我在台北和知識圈的朋友們午餐。那悲觀的,用問句來表達自己的悲觀,譬如,「你覺得台灣還有多少年?」那樂觀的,用黑色幽默來表達樂觀,譬如,「感謝老天。香港讓他們太忙了,沒時間管台灣。」
跟德國一樣,台灣對中國大陸和香港的貿易順差,在2018年是831億美元。百分之四十一的對外貿易針對中國,中國大陸市場對台灣的重要不言而喻。然而,隨著近年來台灣海峽兩岸的關係緊張,反對黨(國民黨) 憂慮市場的優勢無法持續,而執政黨(民進黨) 則選擇強化選民對北京的不信任來抵制中國的影響力。執政黨最近提出的國安新法可能將任何被認定為為中國宣傳者入罪。
和歐洲一樣,台灣人對中國的感受也是複雜的。 當中國代表的是活躍的經濟機會時,很多台灣人就容易所謂「親中」,當中國代表的是壓迫和可能的入侵時,很多台灣人就是所謂的「反中」。問題是,中國兩者兼備。後果就是,台灣內部的分歧遠遠超過了僅只是政治和經濟的層面。
如果你知道台灣是如何一路走來的,你會覺得它今天變成一個民主社會真是一個不得了的成就。沒有革命,一黨獨裁四十年的國民黨,不管你說它是自願還是被迫,放下了政權,分享權力。沒有流血,昔日牢裡的政治犯變成今日的立法者和政治領袖。1987年解嚴以後,政權的交替基本上公平而有序地進行了三十年。
台灣安靜地進行了三十年的民主,時間幾乎和它的國際孤立一樣長。美國不承認台灣的國家地位,但是,就如同當年對於德國,美國也扮演了安全守護者的角色。令人不安的是,在美國宣布要把軍售台灣常態化的同時,中國也宣布,它在台灣海峽及其領空,要把軍艦和戰機的演習常態化。
所以台灣民主的威脅其實是雙重的。比較明顯的是中國的威脅,這個威脅,往往超出台灣本身的控制能力。一個不那麼明顯的威脅,卻是內部自製的。台灣的政治人物和政黨熱切拿這個威脅做為政治資本,刺激集體恐懼來強化部落式的愛國主義。這種操作的成功,對台灣的民主制度和機構本身,是個真實的危險。
國際上那些純粹為了攻擊中國而故意把台灣捧在手心讚美的人,其實讓我坐立不安。一代又一代的台灣人為民主付出了代價,很大的代價,而得到今天的成果。這個成果,太珍貴了,不可以變成別人或別國為了自己的利益而拿來玩弄的籌碼或棋子。
德國的歷史是特殊的。德國的人民親身目睹了,如果不戒慎恐懼地去維護,一個開放合理的社會制度是如何容易地瓦解,一夜之間可以被獨裁取代。經歷了二戰,又擺脫了共產黨的歷史爭取到自由,德國可能比很多其他國家更容易理解台灣人的困境和追求。道德勇氣的來源往往是歷史的痛苦。身為歐盟的重要成員,德國有責任為世界的和平做出最大的努力,發揮最大的影響力。
但是,歐洲憑什麼一定要關心台灣呢?
首先,如果沒有台灣模式,全世界大概就都得接受一種說法,就是,儒家文化和民主制度是無法相容的,而所謂「中國模式」就是唯一邏輯、不可避免的現代中國。台灣的存在證明了一件事:未必如此。
第二,台灣本身的努力值得世界的尊敬。沒錯,如果中國是一艘航空母艦,那麼台灣只不過是一葉孤零零的獨木舟。可是在這個獨木舟上有兩千三百萬人正在追求一種有自由、有尊嚴的生活方式。如果台灣是歐盟的一個成員,就人口論,台灣就是二十八個成員國(英國脫歐後二十七國)中第七大國,比波蘭稍小,但比荷蘭和比利時大。以經濟購買力來看,台灣更是名列全球第二十二。所以,歐洲可以想像剝奪波蘭人或者荷蘭人對生活方式和政治體制的選擇權利嗎?
23 Million People on a Canoe
—Why Europe should care about Taiwan’s future
Lung Yingtai
On the day when the opposition party announced its presidential candidate for the 2020 election, I was sitting at a lunch table in Taipei listening to my intellectual friends uttering their concerns about the future of Taiwan. The pessimists phrased their pessimism in the form of questions such as “How many years do you think Taiwan has left?” The optimists expressed their optimism with dark humour, “Thank God they will be too busy with Hong Kong and the US for a while.”
Like Germany, Taiwan operates a trade surplus with mainland China and Hong Kong, amounting to $83.1 billion in 2018. With 41% of Taiwan’s exports going to China, Taipei’s economy depends on trade with the mainland. However, given the increasing tension across the Taiwan Strait, the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) in particular has been worrying whether Taiwan will be able to sustain these figures. The ruling Democratic Progressive Party, on the other hand, is capitalizing on voters’ intense distrust of Beijing, stepping up measures to “contain” China’s influence. Taipei recently drafted a national security law that would make it a punishable offense to spread “political propaganda” for China.
As in Europe, Taiwanese feel highly ambivalent about mainland China: When China signifies economic opportunities, most Taiwanese are 23 Million People on a Canoe Why Europe should care about Taiwan’s future “pro-China”; when China represents oppression and potential invasion, most Taiwanese are “anti-China”. The problem is that China resembles both. The result is a deep division among Taiwanese extending far beyond the political and economic spheres.
Given the circumstances under which Taiwan emerged and evolved, its evolution into an authentic democracy represents an extraordinary achievement. It was without a revolution that the KMT, which had ruled Taiwan for more than 40 years, put an end to martial law and, whether convinced or compelled to act, opened the country’s political system to sharing power. Without bloodshed, dissidents who had once sat in jails became legislators and political leaders. Since the lifting of martial law 1987, power has changed hands fairly and orderly, following the results of each election.
Taiwan has been a quiet democracy for more than thirty years, nearly as long as the four decades during which it has been isolated by the international community. The US does not formally recognize Taiwan but, as with Germany, acts as the country’s security guarantor. While Washington has indicated that arms sales to Taiwan will become more of a routine, China has devised a routine of its own by holding long-range combat drills and ordering its fighter jets to cross the maritime line.
However, the threat to Taiwanese democracy is twofold. The obvious one comes from China, and to a large extent lies beyond Taipei’s control. The less obvious threat is home-made, as the looming China threat tempts domestic politicians to mobilize the population’s collective fear to foment a tribal nationalism. Their success would pose a real danger to Taiwan’s democratic institutions.
Those who applaud Taiwanese democracy for the sole purpose of criticizing China make me nervous. Generations of Taiwanese fought and ultimately achieved a democracy – it is simply too precious for other people’s agendas, internal or external.
Germany has a unique history: its people have experienced first-hand how easily democratic institutions may fall apart when not meticulously guarded. Having received democracy as a gift following World War II and struggled to regain their freedom from Communist rule, Germans are in a unique position to understand both the predicament as well as the aspirations of the Taiwanese. Moral courage often comes from past sufferings. As a leading EU member state, Germany has a responsibility to maximize its own efforts as well as to influence others’ efforts for world peace.
But why should the world care about the future of Taiwan? First of all, save the Taiwan model, the world might have to accept the claim that democracy and Confucianism are incompatible, and that a communist China presents the only logical and inevitable path to modernity. Secondly, Taiwan deserves respect on its own merits. True, if China were an aircraft carrier, Taiwan would be a lone canoe. But standing on this canoe are 23 million people aspiring for a life with liberty and dignity. If it were an EU member, Taiwan would be the 7th largest of the Union’s 28 member-states (27 after Brexit), smaller than Poland but larger than the Netherlands or Belgium, with a developed economy ranking 22nd in the world by purchasing power parity. Do we really want to return to a world in which it is imaginable that countries such as Poland or the Netherlands should be deprived of their autonomy to determine their own way of life and political system?
The Berlin Pulse 2019
龍應台專文:https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/fileadmin/user_upload/koerber-stiftung/redaktion/the-berlin-pulse/pdf/2019/3_Koerber_TheBerlinPulse_YingTai.pdf
全本:https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/fileadmin/user_upload/koerber-stiftung/redaktion/the-berlin-pulse/pdf/2019/TheBerlinPulse_2019_FINAL.pdf
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Burn Belly Fat | Smaller Waist | Green Tea | Get Enough Sleep | Secrets to lose belly fat | tips | Intermittent Fasting | Cardio | Fitness Girl | Weight Loss | abs | fitness progress | HIIT | Core Workout | Ab Exercise | Ab workout | Fat Loss Exercises | Burn Fat | Summer Body | weight loss diet | weight loss food | healthy diet | healthy food | clean eating | Workout at Home | Fitness Routine | Lose Fat | Shredded | Bodybuilding | Intense Cardio | Flat Belly | healthy snack | what i eat in a day | my diet | my weight loss journey | how i lose weight | fitness transformation | Motivation | Determination | Train Hard | At Home Routine | BBG | lose weight | 健康 | 健身 | 運動 | 腹肌 | Emi Wong

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