【#LikeJapan旅遊】日本媽媽寫給 奧運外國記者的英文信:禮儀之邦 為愛上便利店的他 介紹100Yen店 送手信
因為不斷分享在日本便利店美食而受到關注的加拿大奧運採訪記者Devin Heroux,最近收到了一封來自日本媽媽Yoko、溫暖的英文親筆信。Yoko在twitter看到Devin關於7-11美食的帖文,對於記者們因疫情限制活動感到抱歉。同時間她希望Devin能享受日本之旅,所以送上了100Yen店的積木小禮物,並介紹100Yen是個好地方。Yoko最後在疫情完結後Devin可以再度來日本。
Dear Mr. Devin Heroux:「Nice to meet you!! I'm Yoko, 45 year-old housewife. I live in Tokyo. I hope you would not be offended to receive this letter from me. I found you on the internet, that article was your Twitter. I knew you love 7-11 very much!! I love, too!! At that same time, many journalists from all over the world are severely restricted the movement. I feel very sorry. Originally, I wanted you to enjoy Japan more. So, here is a little something for you as a souvenir. Do you know "100-yen shop"? You can buy most products for 100yen and find various kinds of items there. They're really popular for Japanese, you can find them just about anyplace. I found these items a few days ago. My son was very excited because these are bullet train. He is 4-year-old boy. I want you to try for your breathing time. Good luck in Japan and come again when covid-19 is over. I hope that this letter will reach you safely. From Yoko」
Full Story 外國奧運記者 大讚日本便利店美食: www.likejapan.com/s/jpconveniencestorefood
相片:Devin Heroux
twitter.com/Devin_Heroux
by #Likejapan_Owen
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新影片 / 東京散步:全程40分鐘!逛逛目黑川
https://youtu.be/EmRhs_KhtK0
新影片 / 歌手介紹 Aru.|19歲創作少年歌手
https://youtu.be/KNf0fo9iAzE
LikeJapan IG 日本旅遊相片更新中:
www.instagram.com/like.japan/
同時也有37部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過267萬的網紅阿滴英文,也在其Youtube影片中提到,這次介紹的是滴妹最愛歌曲之一,Charlie Puth 的 We Don't Talk Anymore! 超多小滴點播這首喔!跟著音樂搖擺吧XD 記得要點播歌曲給我喔! 訂閱阿滴英文 ▶ http://bit.ly/rde-subscribe 支持阿滴英文 ▶ http://pressplay.cc...
i do too介紹 在 欣西亞和Shane任翔 Facebook 八卦
【#欣西亞和Shane的愛情故事- 7. 愛著卡慘死?】
我是一個有仇必報的女人。
「以牙還牙,以眼還眼」是我的座右銘,如果需要到血債血還的地步,我也不介意殺戮到血流成河。
因此自從上次被Shane這賤男人在電話裡羞辱之後(其實事情也沒啥大不了的,但本人就是美送),欣西亞便一直在心裡蘊釀著復仇大計。
失敗了,再站起來,被打了,就打回去,被拒絕了,就要再接再厲,總之,這世間上,老娘想要的東西就是要得手,那麼對於Shane,套句九把刀的說法,就是「不是盡力,是一定要追到」。現在想想,我也很有化悲憤為力量的特質(撥瀏海)。
某天火速地在hotmail申請了一個新的帳號,接著憑著Shane在柏克萊大學email開始搜尋,不出三十秒,一個看似他的ID跳出,哼!好小子,你完蛋了!我傳了一封簡單的自我介紹過去,自稱自己是位「新朋友」,想跟他聊聊天。
“Hey, my name is xxx. I want to know more about you. Are you available to chat?” (Hey,我是xxx。我想多認識你,你有空聊天嗎?)
當右手小指輕彈下enter鍵,我的嘴角不禁上揚
”Hi, xxx, my name is Shane. Where are you from?” (我是Shane。你是哪裡人?)
看到他的問題,我的腦袋登愣了一下,欸…從哪裡來啊我?抬頭看著天花板想了想
”Japan. I am from Japan. :-)” (日本。我是日本人)順便加了一個笑臉
”I see. I know a girl who is Asian, too. And u remind me of her. :-)” (我也認識一個亞洲女生,妳讓我想到她)他也回敬了一個:-)
接著,螢幕對話框跳出”Her name is Cynthia. Do you know her by any chance? She is very cute. :-)”
(她的名字叫欣西亞。妳有沒有可能認識她?她很可愛)
又是一個笑臉符號
ㄅ一ㄚˋ…ㄅㄧㄚˋ康了?!!!@@心跳頓時飆升破百
”If you know her by any chance, can you tell her that I miss her?” (如果妳正好認識她,妳可以跟她說我很想念她嗎?)
螢幕上一直閃爍不停的對話框,每一個都像炸彈,砰!砰!砰!炸得我毫無防備,措手不及。”
”Why do I remind you of her?”(為什麼我讓你想到她?) 深吸一口氣,我決定厚著臉皮繼續玩下去,雖然目前好像是我被他玩比較多
”Because of the smiley face. She always puts a smiley face at the end of sentences.”
(因為笑臉。她總是在句子後放笑臉圖案)
原來是我慣用的笑臉:-)漏了餡
”So…do you know her by any chance?” (所以,妳有沒有可能認識她呢?)
螢幕對面的那個人顯然不想放過我,而我似乎可以想像他臉上促狹的微笑和勝利的表情
”Something just came up, talk later, bye.” (我突然有事,再聊,拜~)
我倉皇地下線,逃回現實生活當中。
之後欣西亞有好幾個月沒跟Shane連絡,一方面是因為顏面盡失,另一方面是覺得自己應該要冷靜一下,「保持距離以策安全」,雖然我和他之間已經隔了條太平洋,但我的心一直處於最靠近他的地方,雖然我和他的生活因為時差總是日夜顛倒,但他的人卻一直存在在我的世界,就算我對他摸不到也碰不著,就算有千百個不願意,我知道我再也甩不開他。
很快的,一年又過去了,許多愛情故事在地球不停的自傳和公轉中輪迴,有人分手了,有人戀愛了,有人又遇見了下一個對象,而我,就只有我,待在原地,不上不下動彈不得。直到某天我的電子郵件裡出現他久違的信,一封來自西班牙的簡短問候,他人在巴塞隆納。「死了八百年的人又復活了」,這是欣西亞第一個感覺,但當我驚覺到自己的雙手正飛快地敲擊著鍵盤:
Hey Shane,
You are in Barcelona? That’s great because I am planning a trip to visit there. Maybe we can see each other again. Let me know what you think.
Cynthia
(Hey Shane,你在巴塞隆納?太棒了,因為我正要計劃去那裡。也許我們有機會可以再見一面,看你覺得怎樣?)
這才認清一個事實:這個人,原來從來就沒死過,他像鬼魅般糾纏著我糾纏著我…
而我,再也不想躲,也再也不想逃。
很多人都說:「愛著卡慘死」
如果真的是這樣,那就來讓我跟他拼個你死我活
愛情啊,從現在開始
我決定,放手一搏。
《未完,待續》
【欣西亞淘心話】
我不曉得有多少人會同意「愛著卡慘死」這句話,但對欣西亞來說,我覺得死得很慘的人,往往有兩種,一是不夠聰明,二是不夠堅強。
當然也許妳會說如果談戀愛還要用頭腦,豈不是太累了些?但在這既混亂又隱藏著許多誘惑的社會裡,如果不動用點智慧,略施小手段,妳不犯人,別人恐怕還要來搶妳的呢。我認為愛一個人(撇除那種父母對子女無私的愛),都應該要有個限度,如果他真的在利用妳,竭盡所能對妳吃乾抹淨,妳也要學著看清楚,至少不要連自己怎麼死的都不知道。
好吧!不過上帝造人,難保盡善盡美,正如同五根手指頭伸出來都還有長有短,如果一談起戀愛就沒了大腦,那就義無反顧照妳的方式去愛吧,學習蟑螂小強打不死的無畏精神,勇敢,堅強,妳也會是不死之身。
✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨✨
📧欣西亞/ 兩性專家/性諮詢治療師【關於兩性、愛情、婚姻經營、性健康上的疑難雜症】請直接留言或FB私訊,#另提供欣西亞一對一線上諮詢付費服務(國英語皆通),也可私訊洽詢。
欣西亞的新書
「好女人像毒藥,讓男人惹不起也戒不掉」
➡️ http://bit.ly/Cynthia2
💗「我知道你愛得很用力,但還是要一巴掌呼醒你!」
➡️ https://bit.ly/2m1v1IA
i do too介紹 在 馮智政 Facebook 八卦
【對華政策的範式轉移】絕對是歷史性講話.
#成萬字 #萬言書 #頹譯都譯死人
----小弟頹譯------
蓬佩奧:謝謝。謝謝你們。州長,您的慷慨介紹。的確是這樣:當您在那個體育館裡散步時,說出“蓬佩奧”的名字,人們就會耳語。因為,我有一個兄弟,Mark,他是一個非常好,一位非常出色的籃球運動員。
請為藍鷹榮譽衛隊(Blue Eagles Honor Guard)及飛行員Kayla Highsmith下士對國歌的精彩演繹給多一次掌聲如何? (掌聲)
也要感謝Laurie牧師那動人的祈禱,我還要感謝Hugh Hewitt和尼克遜基金會的邀請讓我在這個重要的美國機構發言。很高興能受空軍人員演唱,由海軍陸戰隊介紹,讓個一個陸軍傢伙站在海軍傢伙的房子前面。 (笑聲)(按蓬佩奧曾在美國陸軍服役 )一切都很好。
很榮幸來到Yorba Linda,尼克遜的父親在那裡建立了他出生和成長的房屋。
在這困難時刻,使今天成為可能的尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員,感謝,感謝我和我的團隊使這一天成為可能。
我們很幸運能在觀眾中見到一些特別的嘉賓,包括我認識的Chris Nixon (尼克遜的孫,Christopher Nixon Cox)。我還要感謝Tricia Nixon和Julie Nixon Eisenhower (尼克遜兩位女兒)對這次訪問的支持。
我還想提一提幾位勇敢的中國持不同政見者,他們長途跋涉並出席。其他尊貴的客人-(掌聲)-尊貴的客人,謝謝您的光臨。那些在帳篷下的人,您們必須支付額外的費用(笑)。
以及那些正在觀看直播的人,感謝您的收看。
最後,正如州長所說,我在Santa Ana出生,離這裡不遠。今天有我的姐姐和她的丈夫在聽眾中。謝謝大家的光臨。我敢打賭,您從沒想過我會站在這裡。
我今天的講話是我在一系列中國演講中的第四組講話,我請國家安全顧問Robert O’Brien,聯邦調查局局長Chris Wray和司法部長Barr陪同我發言。
我們有一個非常明確的目標,一個實在的任務。這是在解釋美國與中國關係的不同方面,數十年來這種關係中出現的巨大失衡以及中國共產黨所計劃的霸權。
我們的目標是明確指出,特朗普總統的中國政策正在解決的對美國人的威脅是明顯的,並且我們正確立保障自由的戰略。Robert O’Brien談到了意識形態。聯邦調查局局長Wray談到了間諜活動。司法部長Barr談到了經濟學。現在,我今天的目標是將這一切匯總給美國人民,並詳細說明中國的威脅對我們的經濟,我們的自由,乃至全球自由民主國家的未來的衝擊。
自基辛格(Kissinger)博士秘密訪問中國以來,到明年已經過去了半個世紀,而尼克松總統訪華50週年也就在2022年。
那時世界大不一樣了。
我們以為與中國交往(engagement)將創造一個帶有友好合作前景的美好未來。
但是今天—今天我們仍然戴著口罩,看著疫性的死亡人數仍在增加,因為中共對世界的承諾沒有兌現。我們每天早上都在讀到鎮壓香港和新疆的新聞消息。
我們看到的中國貿易濫用行為的驚人數字使美國失去了工作,並給整個美國經濟帶來了沉重打擊,包括南加州。而且我們正在看著一支越來越強大,甚至更具威脅性的中國軍隊。
從加利福尼亞州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州以及其他地區,我都有著與美國人心中的疑問:從與中國交往至今,美國人民這50年見到了什麼?
領袖們曾說過的中國邁向自由與民主發展的理論是否正確?
這是中國對 "雙贏" 局面的定義嗎?
實際上,從國務卿的角度來看,美國更安全嗎?我們是否有更大的可能為我們自己實現和平,並為我們之後的子孫後代享有和平?
看,我們必須承認一個硬道理。我們必須承認一個硬道理,它將指導我們在未來幾十年中發展,如果我們要擁有一個自由的21世紀,而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀,那麼與中國盲目交往的舊範式坦白說是沒有贏的機會。我們決不能在此繼續,也絕不能重返。
正如特朗普總統已明確指出的那樣,我們需要一項保護美國經濟乃至我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界必須戰勝這一新的暴政。 The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
現在,在我似乎不太希望拆除尼克遜總統的遺產之前,我想明確地說,他做了當時他認為最適合美國人民的事情,而且他很可能是對的。
他是中國的傑出學生,冷酷的勇士和中國人民的偉大仰慕者,正如我們一樣。
他意識到中國太重要而不能忽視,即使國力由於自身的共產主義野蠻行為而被削弱。這值得尼克遜給予極大的讚譽。
1967年,尼克遜在一篇非常著名的外交事務文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。
他的話是這樣的:他說:“從長遠來看,我們根本無法永遠把中國留在國際大家庭之外……在中國改變之前,世界不會安全。因此,我們的目標是 —在可能的範圍內,我們必須作出影響,而我們的目標應該是促使改變。”
我認為這是整篇文章中的關鍵詞:“促使改變”。
因此,在歷史性的北京之行中,尼克遜總統開始了我們的交住戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更自由,更安全的世界,並希望中國共產黨能兌現這一承諾。
隨著時間的流逝,美國決策者越來越多地認為,隨著中國變得更加繁榮,它將會對外開放,它會在國內變得更加自由,而實際上在國外所面臨的威脅卻越來越小,它將變得更加友好。這一切似乎都是不可避免的。
但是那個必然的時代已經過去了。我們一直在進行的這種交往並沒有帶來尼克遜總統希望所引起的中國內部的變化。事實是,我們的政策以及其他自由國家的政策使中國經濟從衰落得以恢復,但北京反咬了養活它的國際力量。
我們曾向中國公民張開雙臂,只是看到中國共產黨利用我們的自由開放社會。中國派宣傳員參加了我們的新聞發布會,研究中心,高中,大學,甚至參加了家長教師會議。
我們將台灣的朋友邊緣化,後來台灣蓬勃發展為積極的民主國家。
我們給中國共產黨和政權本身以特殊的經濟待遇,只是看到中共堅持以對其人權侵犯保持沉默作為讓西方公司進入中國市場的代價。
前一天,Robert O’Brien大使舉了幾個例子:萬豪,美國航空,達美航空,聯合航空都從其公司網站上刪除了對台灣的提及,以免激怒北京。在荷里活,這裏的不遠處,距離美國創作自由的中心和自命為社會正義的仲裁者,他們的自我審查可說是對中國發展最不利的參考。
公司對CCP的默許也發生在世界各地。
這種企業忠誠度如何運作?奉承會得到獎勵嗎?讓我引述Barr總檢察長在講話。他在上週的一次演講中說:“中國統治者的最終野心不是與美國進行貿易。是要略奪美國。”
中國剝奪了我們寶貴的知識產權和商業機密,損失了在美國各地了數百萬個就業機會。它從美國吸走了供應鏈,然後添加了一個由奴隸制度製成的小工具。
它使世界上主要的水路對國際貿易而言變得不那麼安全。
尼克遜總統曾經說過,他擔心自己通過向中共開放世界而創造了一個“科學怪人”,這正是如此。
現在,有誠信的人可以辯論為什麼自由國家允許這些年來,這些不好的事情發生。也許我們對中國的惡毒的共產主義幼稚,或者在我們在冷戰勝利後變得自大,或者軟弱的資本主義者被北京所說的“和平崛起”所愚昧。
無論出於何種原因—無論出於何種原因,今天的中國在國內都越來越專制,並開始對其他地方的自由作出干預。
特朗普總統說:夠了。
我不認為兩派的人對我今天所說的事實提出異議。但是即使到現在,也有人堅持認為,為了對話而對話。
現在,要明確地說,我們將繼續討論。但是這些對話的意義是不同的。幾週前,我去了檀香山,與楊潔篪見面。
這是同樣的古老故事—說了很多話,但實際上沒有任何改變任何行為的提議。
楊的承諾,就像中共在他面前做出的許多承諾一樣,都是空洞的。我想,他的期望是我會屈服於他們的要求,因為坦率地說,這是許多前任政府所做的。我沒有,特朗普總統也不會。正如O’Brien很好地解釋的那樣,我們必須記住,中共政權是馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平堅信這已破產的極權主義思想。
正是這種意識形態,正是這種意識形態反映了他數十年來對全球共產主義中國霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視我們兩國之間的根本政治和意識形態差異,就像中共從來沒有忽視它們一樣。
以我在眾議院情報委員會,然後擔任中央情報局局長,以及擔任美國國務卿兩年多的經驗,使我對這種中央理解成為可能:
唯一的方式 — 真正改變共產主義中國的唯一方法,不是對中國領導人聽其言,而是觀其行。您會看到美國政策對此結論做出了回應。列根總統說,他是在“信任但要核實”的基礎上與蘇聯打交道的。關於中共,我說我們必須"不信任和核查"。 (掌聲)
我們,世界上熱愛自由的國家,必須像尼克遜總統所希望的那樣,促使中國發生變化。我們必須促使中國以更具創造性和果斷性的方式進行變革,因為北京的行動威脅著我們的人民和我們的繁榮。
我們必須首先改變我們的人民和我們的伙伴對中國共產黨的看法。我們必須說實話。我們不能像其他任何國家一樣,把這個假象視為正常國家。
我們知道,與中國進行貿易不像與一個正常的,遵守法律的國家進行貿易。北京威脅將國際協議視為—將協議視為建議,以作為主導全球的渠道。
但是,通過堅持公平條款,就像我們的貿易代表在獲得第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣,我們可以迫使中國考慮其知識產權盜竊和損害美國工人的政策。
我們也知道,與擁有CCP支持的公司開展業務與與一家加拿大公司開展業務不同。他們不回答獨立委員會的問題,而且其中許多是由國家贊助的,因此無需追求利潤。
華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一家無辜的電信公司,它的出現是為了確保您可以和朋友聊天。我們稱其為真正的國家安全威脅,並為採取了相應的行動。
我們也知道,如果我們的公司在中國投資,他們可能會有意或無意地支持共產黨嚴重侵犯人權的行為。
因此,我們的美國財政部和商務部已批准並將那些危害和濫用世界人民最基本權利的中國領導人和實體列入黑名單。多個部門已就商業諮詢機構合作,以確保我們的CEO了解其供應鏈在中國境內的工作。
我們也知道,我們也知道並非所有的中國學生和僱員都只是來這裡賺錢和積累一些知識的普通學生和工人。他們太多人來這裡竊取我們的知識產權並將其帶回自己的國家。司法部和其他機構已對這些罪行進行了嚴厲的懲罰。
我們知道,解放軍也不是正規軍。其目的是維護中國共產黨精英的絕對統治,擴大中國帝國,而不是保護中國人民。
因此,美國國防部加大了工作力度,擴大了在東,南海以及台灣海峽以及整個海峽的航行操作自由。我們還建立了一支太空部隊,以幫助阻止中國對這一最後邊界的侵略。
同樣,坦率地說,我們在美國國務院制定了一套與中國打交道的新政策,推動特朗普總統實現公正與互惠的目標,以改寫幾十年來不斷加劇的失衡。
就在本週,我們宣布關閉在休斯敦的中國領事館,因為它是間諜和知識產權盜竊的樞紐。 (掌聲)
兩週前,我們在南中國海扭轉了過去八年忽略的國際法權益。
我們呼籲中國限制其核能力以適應當今時代的戰略現實。
國務院- 在世界各地,各個層面- 都與中國同行進行了交流,只是要求公平和互惠。
但是我們的方法不只是要變得強硬。那不可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中國人民互動並賦予他們權力,他們是一個充滿活力,熱愛自由的人民,他們與中國共產黨完全不同。首先是面對面的外交。 (掌聲)
無論我走到哪裡,我都遇到了有才華和勤奮的中國人。我遇過逃離新疆集中營的維吾爾族和哈薩克族。我曾與香港的民主領袖進行了交談,有陳日君樞機到黎智英。兩天前,我在倫敦會見了香港自由戰士羅冠聰。
上個月在我的辦公室裡,我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中之一今天在這裡。王丹是一名關鍵學生,他從未停止為中國人民爭取自由。王先生,請您站起來,以便我們見到您嗎? (掌聲)
今天與我們同在的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生。他在中國的勞改營度過了幾十年的時間。魏先生,你能站起來嗎? (掌聲)
我成長及服役於冷戰時期。如果我學到一件事,共產黨人幾乎總是撒謊。他們告訴我們的最大謊言是,他們認為自己能代表14億被監視,壓迫和害怕說出來的人。
恰恰相反。中共比任何敵人都更擔心中國人民的誠實觀點,失去對權力的控制。
試想一下,如果我們能夠從武漢的醫生那裡聽到他們的來信,並且允許他們對新疫病的爆發發出警報,那麼世界會變得更好—更不用說中國內部的人了。
幾十年來,我們的領袖一直無視,淡化勇敢的中國異見者的話,他們警告過我們所面對之政權。
我們不能再忽略它了。他們與任何人一樣知道我們永遠無法回到現狀。
但是改變中共的舉動並不單單是中國人民的使命。自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這不是簡單的事情。
但是我有信心我們可以做到。我有信心,因為我們以前做過。我們知道這是怎麼回事。我有信心,因為中共正在重複蘇聯犯下的一些同樣的錯誤-疏遠潛在的盟友,破壞國內外的信任,拒絕財產權和法治。
我有信心。我之所以有信心,是因為我看到其他國家之間的覺醒,他們知道我們無法回到過去,美國亦如是。我從布魯塞爾,悉尼到河內都聽說過。
最重要的是,我相信我們可以捍衛自由,因為自由本身是漂亮的。
看看香港人因中共加強對這個驕傲城市的控制,要移居海外。他們揮舞著美國國旗。
是的,確實有差異。與蘇聯不同,中國已深入融入全球經濟。但是,北京對我們依賴,甚於我們依賴他們。 (掌聲)
瞧,我拒絕相信我們生活在一個不可避免中國的時代,某些陷阱(按:修昔底德陷阱)是預設的,中共至上是未來。我們的方法不是注定失敗的,因為美國正在衰落。正如我在今年早些時候在慕尼黑說的那樣,自由世界仍在勝利的一方。我們只需要相信它,就明白它並為此感到自豪。來自世界各地的人們仍然希望加入開放社會。他們來到這裡學習,來到這里工作,來到這里為家人謀生。他們並不想留在中國。
是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡。這是完美的時機。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。並非每個國家都將以同樣的方式對待中國,也不應該。每個國家都必須對如何保護自己的主權,如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護自己的理想不受中國共產黨的觸碰而有所了解。
但是我呼籲每個國家的每一個領導人—如美國所先行的—簡單地堅持互惠,堅持中國共產黨的透明度和問責制。
這些簡單而強大的標準將取得很大的成就。太長時間了,我們讓中共制定交往條款,但不再這樣做。自由國家必須定下基調。
我們必須遵循相同的原則。我們必須在沙子上劃出共同的界線,而這不能被中共的討價還價或他們的野蠻沖走。確實,這就是美國最近所做的事情,因為我們一勞永逸地拒絕了中國在南中國海的非法主張,因為我們已敦促各國成為廉潔國家,以免其公民的私人信息落在手裡中國共產黨。我們通過制定標準來做到這一點。
現在,這確實很困難。對於一些小國家來說很難。他們害怕被人欺負。因此,其中一些人根本沒有能力,沒有勇氣暫時與我們站在一起。的確,我們與北約的盟友並未以其對香港的立場站起來,因為他們擔心北京會限制中國市場的准入。這種膽怯會導致歷史性的失敗,我們無法重複。
我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。中國面臨的挑戰要求民主國家發揮作用和精力,民主國家包括歐洲,非洲,南美,尤其是印度太平洋地區。
而且,如果我們現在不採取行動,那麼中共最終將侵蝕我們的自由,並顛覆我們的社會努力建立的基於法規的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝,我們孩子的孩子可能會受到中國共產黨的擺佈,中國共產黨的行動是當今自由世界中的主要挑戰。
習近平總書記註定不會永遠在中國內外施暴,除非我們允許
現在,這與圍堵無關。不要相信這策略。這是我們從未遇到過的複雜的新挑戰。蘇聯與自由世界隔絕了。共產主義中國已經在我們的邊界之內。
因此,我們不能獨自面對這一挑戰。聯合國,北約,七國集團國家,二十國集團,我們的經濟,外交和軍事力量合力,如果我們清楚明確地並勇往直前,無疑足以應付這一挑戰。
也許是時候讓志趣相投的國家組成一個新的團體,一個新的民主國家聯盟了。
我們有工具。我知道我們可以做到。現在我們需要意志。引用聖經經文,我問“要警醒禱告,免得陷入試探。你們心靈雖然願意,肉體卻是軟弱的。”
如果自由世界沒有改變 —沒有改變,共產主義中國一定會改變我們。無法因為舒適或便利而返回到過去的做法。
確保我們脫離中國共產黨的自由是我們這個時代的使命,而美國完全有能力領導它,
因為我們的建國原則為我們提供了這一機會。正如我上週在費城站立時所看到的那樣,注視著獨立廳,我們的國家建立在所有人類都擁有不可剝奪的某些權利的前提下。
確保這些權利是我們政府的工作。這是一個簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的自由燈塔,包括中國境內的人。
確實,尼克遜在1967年寫道“除非中國改變,否則世界是不安全的”是正確的。現在我們該聽他的話了。
今天的危機已經明確了。
今天,覺醒正在發生。
今天,自由世界必須作出回應。
我們永遠無法回到過去。
願上帝保佑你們每個人。
願上帝保佑中國人民。'
願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國人民。
謝謝你們。(掌聲)
Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)
i do too介紹 在 阿滴英文 Youtube 的評價
這次介紹的是滴妹最愛歌曲之一,Charlie Puth 的 We Don't Talk Anymore! 超多小滴點播這首喔!跟著音樂搖擺吧XD 記得要點播歌曲給我喔!
訂閱阿滴英文 ▶ http://bit.ly/rde-subscribe
支持阿滴英文 ▶ http://pressplay.cc/rayduenglish
【We Don't Talk Anymore 歌詞 中英翻譯】
*Chorus*
We don’t talk anymore *3
我們不再交談
Like we used to do…
像我們從前那樣
We don’t love anymore
我們不再相愛
What was all of it for?
這一切都是為了什麼
Ohh, we don’t talk anymore
我們現在已經不再交談
Like we used to do…
以往的一切都消失無蹤
I just heard you found the one you’ve been looking
我聽說你已經找到你一直尋找的那位
You’ve been looking for
你一直期盼的那位
I wish I would have known that wasn’t me
我希望我早該認清你要的人不是我
‘Cause even after all this time I still wonder
但是經過了這麼久我不禁想
Why I can’t move on
為什麼我不能釋懷
Just the way you did so easily
就像你毫無迷戀一般地離開了我
Don’t wanna know
我不想知道
What kind of dress you’re wearing tonight
你今晚穿著什麼樣的裙子你多麼的美
If he’s holding onto you so tight
也不想知道他是否把你緊緊擁在懷裡
The way I did before
就如同我過去那樣抱著你一樣
I overdosed
我因愛沉醉
Should’ve known your love was a game
早該知道你的愛是場遊戲
Now I can’t get you out of my brain
然而我已經深陷其中脫離不出來
Ohh, it’s such a shame…
真的是太可悲了
Chorus*
I just hope you’re lying next to somebody
我希望你身邊躺著的人
Who knows how to love you like me
會像我一樣懂得怎麼好好愛你
There must be a good reason that you’re gone
你離開一定是有一個很好的理由
Every now and then I think you
時時刻刻我都會在想
Might want me to come show up at your door
你會不會其實想要我再次出現在你門前
But I’m just too afraid that I’ll be wrong
但是我很害怕是我想太多了
Don’t wanna know
我不想知道
If you’re looking into her eyes
你是否深情地望著她
If she’s holding onto you so tight the way I did before
而她又是否緊緊的抱著你 就像我之前一樣
I overdosed
我因愛沉醉
Should’ve known your love was a game
早該知道你的愛是場遊戲
Now I can’t get you out of my brain
然而我已經深陷其中脫離不出來
Oh, it’s such a shame
真的是太可悲了
Chorus*
Don’t wanna know
我不想知道
What kind of dress you’re wearing tonight
你今晚穿著什麼樣的裙子你多麼的美
If he’s giving it to you just right
也不想知道他是不是有好好的疼愛妳
The way I did before
就像我愛你一樣
I overdosed
我因愛沉醉
Should’ve known your love was a game
早該知道你的愛是場遊戲
Now I can’t get you out of my brain
然而我已經深陷其中脫離不出來
Oh, it’s such a shame
真的是太可悲了
Chorus*
(We don’t talk anymore)
Don’t wanna know
我不想知道
What kind of dress you’re wearing tonight (Oh)
你今晚穿著什麼樣的裙子你多麼的美
If he’s holding onto you so tight (Oh)
也不想知道他是否把你緊緊擁在懷裡
The way I did before
就如同我曾那樣抱著你一樣
(We don’t talk anymore)
I overdosed
我因愛沉醉
Should’ve known your love was a game (Oh)
早該知道你的愛是場遊戲
Now I can’t get you out of my brain (Woah)
然而我已經深陷其中脫離不出來
Oh, it’s such a shame
真的是太可悲了
That we don’t talk anymore…
我們已經毫無交集…
曲名: We Don't Talk Anymore (我們不再交談)
演唱者: Charlie Puth feat. Selena Gomez (查理·普斯 feat. 賽琳娜·戈梅茲)
專輯: Nine Track Mind (2016發行)
上一部影片 阿滴請假+YouTube Creator Day 活動資訊 http://youtu.be/ExPUnePTnBM
下一部影片 10句常用英文#3【吵架篇】https://youtu.be/faPbdAlX8cE
更多阿滴:
http://facebook.com/rayduenglish
http://instagram.com/rayduenglish
http://rayduenglish.com
合作邀約:rayduenglish@gmail.com
i do too介紹 在 Hello Catie Youtube 的評價
抽獎已結束, 得主公布於此: https://goo.gl/8g6M8O
因為我的化妝品真的太太太多, 沒有辦法用一支影片介紹完全部
所以今天先跟大家分享我最常用的一層抽屜
影片中提到的東西都列在底下囉
✌ More Catie ⇊ ---------------------------------------------------
Blog: http://hellocatie.pixnet.net/blog
FB: https://www.facebook.com/hellocatie45
IG: https://instagram.com/hellocatie45/
微博: http://weibo.com/u/5857005306
For business inquiries ▸▸ byumoe88@gmail.com (business only!!)
✌ More information about this video⇊ -------------------
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=== 我完全忘記臉上妝容是用什麼了, 所以無法提供, sorry la~ ===
Hope you enjoy this video!
XO - Catie
✌ FAQ ⇊ ---------------------------------------------------
What camera do you use使用的相機: Panasonic GF7
What's your skin type我的膚質: Normal to dry中性(眼下偏乾)
What software do you use to edit video影像剪輯軟體: 威力導演
DISCLAIMER:
This is NOT a sponsored video!
i do too介紹 在 MaoMao TV Youtube 的評價
YouTube賺錢方法&詳情:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jfxhfEc4t7U
☆訂閱Mao 每週看新片☆ 點我☞ https://goo.gl/jJXswY
(下面還有得看~)
【Mao's SNS】
facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/MaoMaoTV
Instagram: maomao0310
business inquiry/問い合わせ: [email protected]
【雷射除毛】
http://www.laserdr159.com/service_page.php?id=130
【影片目的】
讓世界認識日本還有日本文化,對日本文化感興趣,
還有(希望有)提供到對日本男生有興趣的女生們。
【影片介紹】
女生看這裡:你對日本男生有興趣嗎?那你怎麼能錯過這個影片!
男生看這裡:你對日本女生有興趣嗎?那你要先知道日本男生怎麼想
我有過一段非常之非常哈日本文化的日子。
那時候,我是一個瘋狂喜歡日本男生的台灣女生。
(也就是說現在不是啦xD 現在我明白男生的好壞與國際沒關係的~)
來到日本留學後也認識了真正活生生的日本人(both男生&女生)然後理解到他們日本男生女生的審美觀跟台灣男生女生真的有大大小小的不同。
尤其是日本男生對日本女生(所有女生)的標準真的很不一樣!
我個人覺得嚴格了很多lol
以下是我用我人生心血慘痛痛經驗所整理出來的3種日本男生眼裡NG女生
日本男生眼裡NG女生-Type1:不穿襪子的女生
日本男生眼裡NG女生-Type2:吃相醜的女生
日本男生眼裡NG女生-Type3:不刮手毛的女生
你們覺得合理嗎??
你也覺得這樣的女生NG嗎?
還是覺得日本男生對女生的標準太嚴格啦!
留言告訴我~
還有不管你是男生女生,
不要忘了也留言分享告訴大家「你心目中的NG女生」是什麼喔!
==============================
【動画目的】
世界に日本の文化を知ったり、日本文化に対して興味をもったりしてもらう。あとは、日本男性に憧れを持っている女性たちに少しでも参考になりましたらw
【動画紹介】
女性の方はココ→日本人男性に興味、憧れありますか?見逃しちゃダメ!
男性の方はココ→日本人女性に興味、憧れありますか?是非日本人男性の考え方を知ることを!
私は日本文化が大好きの時代がありました。その時、なんでか分からないけど、日本人男性かっこいいなとめっちゃ思っていました。(今は国籍と問わずとわかりました!まあ子供から少しでも成長した感じかなw)
大学から来日ことができました。本当の生きている日本人(男性女性両方)と知り合いました。そこから日本人男性女性の美に対する価値観は本当に違うところ沢山あります。
日本人男性に対してのダメ女 3タイプ
ダメ女タイプ1:靴下履かない女性
ダメ女タイプ2:食べ方が汚い女性
ダメ女タイプ3:手の毛を剃っていない女性
この3タイプの道理わかりますか?
あたなもこのような女帝はダメだと思いますか?
それとも、厳しすぎるわ〜と思いますか?
自分に対してのダメ女はどんなをコメントにて教えてくださいね!
==============================
【Purpose of the video】
Let people know about Japanese culture, and feel interested in Japanese cultures.
And, give some a-little-bit helpful info for girls who are interested in Japanese guys.
【Introduction】
Girls see here: Interested in Japanese guys? How can you miss this!
Guys see here: Interested in Japanese girls? How can you not know how Japanese guys think!
I have this time that I very fancy Japanese cultures.
In that time, I was a little girl who thinks Japanese guys are so cool
(Of course now I realized that it si really regardless of the nationality)
I used to watch lots of dramas, animations, manga, and finally I could come to Japan for studying in college.
And since then, I have known real alive Japanese girls and guys, and I realized the value of beauty of Japanese girls and guys is just soooooo different from what Taiwanese girls and guys’.
Especially, how Japanese guys think of girls.
I think it’s a..litle bit strict. Well, I personally think so. lol
Below are the 3 types of Girls that Japanese guys void that I learned from my real life experience.
Girls that Japanese guys void
Type1:Girls who don’t usually wear socks
Type2:Girls who cannot eat like ladies
Type3:Girls who don’t shave their arm hair
Do you think these are reasonable?
Do you also think these types are not OK?
Or, you think Japanese guys are too strict lah!
Leave a comment below and let me know~
And, girls and guys, also leave a comment and tell everyone what’s your types of girls that is not OK.
See you next time! Bye ;)
♥Mao愛看 YouTuber♥
ShenLimTV
미라 Mira's Garden
Mumu MusicTV
Ryuuu TV / 學日文看日本
AlanChannel / 阿倫頻道
Sanyuan_JAPAN 三原慧悟
安啾咪
蔡阿嘎
rickolam1
魚乾
靠杯星球 fun planet
GINA HELLO!
TheKellyYang
JASON(大J)
笑波子
香格拉 Shangrilayt
Stopkiddinstudio
TGOP (This Group Of People)
這群人
... and more!
music: YouTube Audio Library
Thank you youtube!
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