call by address例子的八卦，YOUTUBE、PTT和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

【對華政策的範式轉移】絕對是歷史性講話.
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----小弟頹譯------
蓬佩奧：謝謝。謝謝你們。州長，您的慷慨介紹。的確是這樣：當您在那個體育館裡散步時，說出“蓬佩奧”的名字，人們就會耳語。因為，我有一個兄弟，Mark，他是一個非常好，一位非常出色的籃球運動員。

請為藍鷹榮譽衛隊（Blue Eagles Honor Guard）及飛行員Kayla Highsmith下士對國歌的精彩演繹給多一次掌聲如何？ （掌聲）

也要感謝Laurie牧師那動人的祈禱，我還要感謝Hugh Hewitt和尼克遜基金會的邀請讓我在這個重要的美國機構發言。很高興能受空軍人員演唱，由海軍陸戰隊介紹，讓個一個陸軍傢伙站在海軍傢伙的房子前面。 （笑聲）（按蓬佩奧曾在美國陸軍服役 ）一切都很好。

很榮幸來到Yorba Linda，尼克遜的父親在那裡建立了他出生和成長的房屋。

在這困難時刻，使今天成為可能的尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員，感謝，感謝我和我的團隊使這一天成為可能。

我們很幸運能在觀眾中見到一些特別的嘉賓，包括我認識的Chris Nixon (尼克遜的孫，Christopher Nixon Cox)。我還要感謝Tricia Nixon和Julie Nixon Eisenhower　（尼克遜兩位女兒）對這次訪問的支持。

我還想提一提幾位勇敢的中國持不同政見者，他們長途跋涉並出席。其他尊貴的客人-（掌聲）-尊貴的客人，謝謝您的光臨。那些在帳篷下的人，您們必須支付額外的費用（笑）。

以及那些正在觀看直播的人，感謝您的收看。

最後，正如州長所說，我在Santa Ana出生，離這裡不遠。今天有我的姐姐和她的丈夫在聽眾中。謝謝大家的光臨。我敢打賭，您從沒想過我會站在這裡。

我今天的講話是我在一系列中國演講中的第四組講話，我請國家安全顧問Robert O’Brien，聯邦調查局局長Chris Wray和司法部長Barr陪同我發言。

我們有一個非常明確的目標，一個實在的任務。這是在解釋美國與中國關係的不同方面，數十年來這種關係中出現的巨大失衡以及中國共產黨所計劃的霸權。

我們的目標是明確指出，特朗普總統的中國政策正在解決的對美國人的威脅是明顯的，並且我們正確立保障自由的戰略。Robert O’Brien談到了意識形態。聯邦調查局局長Wray談到了間諜活動。司法部長Barr談到了經濟學。現在，我今天的目標是將這一切匯總給美國人民，並詳細說明中國的威脅對我們的經濟，我們的自由，乃至全球自由民主國家的未來的衝擊。

自基辛格（Kissinger）博士秘密訪問中國以來，到明年已經過去了半個世紀，而尼克松總統訪華50週年也就在2022年。

那時世界大不一樣了。

我們以為與中國交往（engagement）將創造一個帶有友好合作前景的美好未來。

但是今天—今天我們仍然戴著口罩，看著疫性的死亡人數仍在增加，因為中共對世界的承諾沒有兌現。我們每天早上都在讀到鎮壓香港和新疆的新聞消息。

我們看到的中國貿易濫用行為的驚人數字使美國失去了工作，並給整個美國經濟帶來了沉重打擊，包括南加州。而且我們正在看著一支越來越強大，甚至更具威脅性的中國軍隊。

從加利福尼亞州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州以及其他地區，我都有著與美國人心中的疑問：從與中國交往至今，美國人民這50年見到了什麼？

領袖們曾說過的中國邁向自由與民主發展的理論是否正確？

這是中國對 "雙贏" 局面的定義嗎？

實際上，從國務卿的角度來看，美國更安全嗎？我們是否有更大的可能為我們自己實現和平，並為我們之後的子孫後代享有和平？

看，我們必須承認一個硬道理。我們必須承認一個硬道理，它將指導我們在未來幾十年中發展，如果我們要擁有一個自由的21世紀，而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀，那麼與中國盲目交往的舊範式坦白說是沒有贏的機會。我們決不能在此繼續，也絕不能重返。

正如特朗普總統已明確指出的那樣，我們需要一項保護美國經濟乃至我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界必須戰勝這一新的暴政。 The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

現在，在我似乎不太希望拆除尼克遜總統的遺產之前，我想明確地說，他做了當時他認為最適合美國人民的事情，而且他很可能是對的。

他是中國的傑出學生，冷酷的勇士和中國人民的偉大仰慕者，正如我們一樣。

他意識到中國太重要而不能忽視，即使國力由於自身的共產主義野蠻行為而被削弱。這值得尼克遜給予極大的讚譽。

1967年，尼克遜在一篇非常著名的外交事務文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。

他的話是這樣的：他說：“從長遠來看，我們根本無法永遠把中國留在國際大家庭之外……在中國改變之前，世界不會安全。因此，我們的目標是 —在可能的範圍內，我們必須作出影響，而我們的目標應該是促使改變。”

我認為這是整篇文章中的關鍵詞：“促使改變”。

因此，在歷史性的北京之行中，尼克遜總統開始了我們的交住戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更自由，更安全的世界，並希望中國共產黨能兌現這一承諾。

隨著時間的流逝，美國決策者越來越多地認為，隨著中國變得更加繁榮，它將會對外開放，它會在國內變得更加自由，而實際上在國外所面臨的威脅卻越來越小，它將變得更加友好。這一切似乎都是不可避免的。

但是那個必然的時代已經過去了。我們一直在進行的這種交往並沒有帶來尼克遜總統希望所引起的中國內部的變化。事實是，我們的政策以及其他自由國家的政策使中國經濟從衰落得以恢復，但北京反咬了養活它的國際力量。

我們曾向中國公民張開雙臂，只是看到中國共產黨利用我們的自由開放社會。中國派宣傳員參加了我們的新聞發布會，研究中心，高中，大學，甚至參加了家長教師會議。

我們將台灣的朋友邊緣化，後來台灣蓬勃發展為積極的民主國家。

我們給中國共產黨和政權本身以特殊的經濟待遇，只是看到中共堅持以對其人權侵犯保持沉默作為讓西方公司進入中國市場的代價。

前一天，Robert O’Brien大使舉了幾個例子：萬豪，美國航空，達美航空，聯合航空都從其公司網站上刪除了對台灣的提及，以免激怒北京。在荷里活，這裏的不遠處，距離美國創作自由的中心和自命為社會正義的仲裁者，他們的自我審查可說是對中國發展最不利的參考。

公司對CCP的默許也發生在世界各地。

這種企業忠誠度如何運作？奉承會得到獎勵嗎？讓我引述Barr總檢察長在講話。他在上週的一次演講中說：“中國統治者的最終野心不是與美國進行貿易。是要略奪美國。”

中國剝奪了我們寶貴的知識產權和商業機密，損失了在美國各地了數百萬個就業機會。它從美國吸走了供應鏈，然後添加了一個由奴隸制度製成的小工具。

它使世界上主要的水路對國際貿易而言變得不那麼安全。

尼克遜總統曾經說過，他擔心自己通過向中共開放世界而創造了一個“科學怪人”，這正是如此。

現在，有誠信的人可以辯論為什麼自由國家允許這些年來，這些不好的事情發生。也許我們對中國的惡毒的共產主義幼稚，或者在我們在冷戰勝利後變得自大，或者軟弱的資本主義者被北京所說的“和平崛起”所愚昧。

無論出於何種原因—無論出於何種原因，今天的中國在國內都越來越專制，並開始對其他地方的自由作出干預。

特朗普總統說：夠了。

我不認為兩派的人對我今天所說的事實提出異議。但是即使到現在，也有人堅持認為，為了對話而對話。

現在，要明確地說，我們將繼續討論。但是這些對話的意義是不同的。幾週前，我去了檀香山，與楊潔篪見面。

這是同樣的古老故事—說了很多話，但實際上沒有任何改變任何行為的提議。

楊的承諾，就像中共在他面前做出的許多承諾一樣，都是空洞的。我想，他的期望是我會屈服於他們的要求，因為坦率地說，這是許多前任政府所做的。我沒有，特朗普總統也不會。正如O’Brien很好地解釋的那樣，我們必須記住，中共政權是馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平堅信這已破產的極權主義思想。

正是這種意識形態，正是這種意識形態反映了他數十年來對全球共產主義中國霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視我們兩國之間的根本政治和意識形態差異，就像中共從來沒有忽視它們一樣。

以我在眾議院情報委員會，然後擔任中央情報局局長，以及擔任美國國務卿兩年多的經驗，使我對這種中央理解成為可能：

唯一的方式　—　真正改變共產主義中國的唯一方法，不是對中國領導人聽其言，而是觀其行。您會看到美國政策對此結論做出了回應。列根總統說，他是在“信任但要核實”的基礎上與蘇聯打交道的。關於中共，我說我們必須＂不信任和核查＂。 （掌聲）

我們，世界上熱愛自由的國家，必須像尼克遜總統所希望的那樣，促使中國發生變化。我們必須促使中國以更具創造性和果斷性的方式進行變革，因為北京的行動威脅著我們的人民和我們的繁榮。

我們必須首先改變我們的人民和我們的伙伴對中國共產黨的看法。我們必須說實話。我們不能像其他任何國家一樣，把這個假象視為正常國家。

我們知道，與中國進行貿易不像與一個正常的，遵守法律的國家進行貿易。北京威脅將國際協議視為—將協議視為建議，以作為主導全球的渠道。

但是，通過堅持公平條款，就像我們的貿易代表在獲得第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣，我們可以迫使中國考慮其知識產權盜竊和損害美國工人的政策。

我們也知道，與擁有CCP支持的公司開展業務與與一家加拿大公司開展業務不同。他們不回答獨立委員會的問題，而且其中許多是由國家贊助的，因此無需追求利潤。

華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一家無辜的電信公司，它的出現是為了確保您可以和朋友聊天。我們稱其為真正的國家安全威脅，並為採取了相應的行動。

我們也知道，如果我們的公司在中國投資，他們可能會有意或無意地支持共產黨嚴重侵犯人權的行為。

因此，我們的美國財政部和商務部已批准並將那些危害和濫用世界人民最基本權利的中國領導人和實體列入黑名單。多個部門已就商業諮詢機構合作，以確保我們的CEO了解其供應鏈在中國境內的工作。

我們也知道，我們也知道並非所有的中國學生和僱員都只是來這裡賺錢和積累一些知識的普通學生和工人。他們太多人來這裡竊取我們的知識產權並將其帶回自己的國家。司法部和其他機構已對這些罪行進行了嚴厲的懲罰。

我們知道，解放軍也不是正規軍。其目的是維護中國共產黨精英的絕對統治，擴大中國帝國，而不是保護中國人民。

因此，美國國防部加大了工作力度，擴大了在東，南海以及台灣海峽以及整個海峽的航行操作自由。我們還建立了一支太空部隊，以幫助阻止中國對這一最後邊界的侵略。

同樣，坦率地說，我們在美國國務院制定了一套與中國打交道的新政策，推動特朗普總統實現公正與互惠的目標，以改寫幾十年來不斷加劇的失衡。

就在本週，我們宣布關閉在休斯敦的中國領事館，因為它是間諜和知識產權盜竊的樞紐。 （掌聲）

兩週前，我們在南中國海扭轉了過去八年忽略的國際法權益。

我們呼籲中國限制其核能力以適應當今時代的戰略現實。

國務院- 在世界各地，各個層面- 都與中國同行進行了交流，只是要求公平和互惠。

但是我們的方法不只是要變得強硬。那不可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中國人民互動並賦予他們權力，他們是一個充滿活力，熱愛自由的人民，他們與中國共產黨完全不同。首先是面對面的外交。 （掌聲）

無論我走到哪裡，我都遇到了有才華和勤奮的中國人。我遇過逃離新疆集中營的維吾爾族和哈薩克族。我曾與香港的民主領袖進行了交談，有陳日君樞機到黎智英。兩天前，我在倫敦會見了香港自由戰士羅冠聰。

上個月在我的辦公室裡，我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中之一今天在這裡。王丹是一名關鍵學生，他從未停止為中國人民爭取自由。王先生，請您站起來，以便我們見到您嗎？ （掌聲）

今天與我們同在的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生。他在中國的勞改營度過了幾十年的時間。魏先生，你能站起來嗎？ （掌聲）

我成長及服役於冷戰時期。如果我學到一件事，共產黨人幾乎總是撒謊。他們告訴我們的最大謊言是，他們認為自己能代表14億被監視，壓迫和害怕說出來的人。

恰恰相反。中共比任何敵人都更擔心中國人民的誠實觀點，失去對權力的控制。

試想一下，如果我們能夠從武漢的醫生那裡聽到他們的來信，並且允許他們對新疫病的爆發發出警報，那麼世界會變得更好—更不用說中國內部的人了。

幾十年來，我們的領袖一直無視，淡化勇敢的中國異見者的話，他們警告過我們所面對之政權。

我們不能再忽略它了。他們與任何人一樣知道我們永遠無法回到現狀。

但是改變中共的舉動並不單單是中國人民的使命。自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這不是簡單的事情。

但是我有信心我們可以做到。我有信心，因為我們以前做過。我們知道這是怎麼回事。我有信心，因為中共正在重複蘇聯犯下的一些同樣的錯誤-疏遠潛在的盟友，破壞國內外的信任，拒絕財產權和法治。

我有信心。我之所以有信心，是因為我看到其他國家之間的覺醒，他們知道我們無法回到過去，美國亦如是。我從布魯塞爾，悉尼到河內都聽說過。

最重要的是，我相信我們可以捍衛自由，因為自由本身是漂亮的。

看看香港人因中共加強對這個驕傲城市的控制，要移居海外。他們揮舞著美國國旗。

是的，確實有差異。與蘇聯不同，中國已深入融入全球經濟。但是，北京對我們依賴，甚於我們依賴他們。 （掌聲）

瞧，我拒絕相信我們生活在一個不可避免中國的時代，某些陷阱（按：修昔底德陷阱）是預設的，中共至上是未來。我們的方法不是注定失敗的，因為美國正在衰落。正如我在今年早些時候在慕尼黑說的那樣，自由世界仍在勝利的一方。我們只需要相信它，就明白它並為此感到自豪。來自世界各地的人們仍然希望加入開放社會。他們來到這裡學習，來到這里工作，來到這里為家人謀生。他們並不想留在中國。

是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡。這是完美的時機。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。並非每個國家都將以同樣的方式對待中國，也不應該。每個國家都必須對如何保護自己的主權，如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護自己的理想不受中國共產黨的觸碰而有所了解。

但是我呼籲每個國家的每一個領導人—如美國所先行的—簡單地堅持互惠，堅持中國共產黨的透明度和問責制。

這些簡單而強大的標準將取得很大的成就。太長時間了，我們讓中共制定交往條款，但不再這樣做。自由國家必須定下基調。

我們必須遵循相同的原則。我們必須在沙子上劃出共同的界線，而這不能被中共的討價還價或他們的野蠻沖走。確實，這就是美國最近所做的事情，因為我們一勞永逸地拒絕了中國在南中國海的非法主張，因為我們已敦促各國成為廉潔國家，以免其公民的私人信息落在手裡中國共產黨。我們通過制定標準來做到這一點。

現在，這確實很困難。對於一些小國家來說很難。他們害怕被人欺負。因此，其中一些人根本沒有能力，沒有勇氣暫時與我們站在一起。的確，我們與北約的盟友並未以其對香港的立場站起來，因為他們擔心北京會限制中國市場的准入。這種膽怯會導致歷史性的失敗，我們無法重複。

我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。中國面臨的挑戰要求民主國家發揮作用和精力，民主國家包括歐洲，非洲，南美，尤其是印度太平洋地區。

而且，如果我們現在不採取行動，那麼中共最終將侵蝕我們的自由，並顛覆我們的社會努力建立的基於法規的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝，我們孩子的孩子可能會受到中國共產黨的擺佈，中國共產黨的行動是當今自由世界中的主要挑戰。

習近平總書記註定不會永遠在中國內外施暴，除非我們允許

現在，這與圍堵無關。不要相信這策略。這是我們從未遇到過的複雜的新挑戰。蘇聯與自由世界隔絕了。共產主義中國已經在我們的邊界之內。

因此，我們不能獨自面對這一挑戰。聯合國，北約，七國集團國家，二十國集團，我們的經濟，外交和軍事力量合力，如果我們清楚明確地並勇往直前，無疑足以應付這一挑戰。

也許是時候讓志趣相投的國家組成一個新的團體，一個新的民主國家聯盟了。

我們有工具。我知道我們可以做到。現在我們需要意志。引用聖經經文，我問“要警醒禱告，免得陷入試探。你們心靈雖然願意，肉體卻是軟弱的。”

如果自由世界沒有改變 —沒有改變，共產主義中國一定會改變我們。無法因為舒適或便利而返回到過去的做法。

確保我們脫離中國共產黨的自由是我們這個時代的使命，而美國完全有能力領導它，

因為我們的建國原則為我們提供了這一機會。正如我上週在費城站立時所看到的那樣，注視著獨立廳，我們的國家建立在所有人類都擁有不可剝奪的某些權利的前提下。

確保這些權利是我們政府的工作。這是一個簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的自由燈塔，包括中國境內的人。

確實，尼克遜在1967年寫道“除非中國改變，否則世界是不安全的”是正確的。現在我們該聽他的話了。

今天的危機已經明確了。

今天，覺醒正在發生。

今天，自由世界必須作出回應。

我們永遠無法回到過去。

願上帝保佑你們每個人。

願上帝保佑中國人民。＇

願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國人民。

謝謝你們。（掌聲）

Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)

利迷之間瘋傳嘅超長文，感謝呢位師兄譯得咁傳神！睇到好激動！睇完更加覺得利迷可以有高普帶領球隊係全世界最幸福嘅球迷。

記得因為古仔單嘢，有好多對球會批評嘅聲音同不利嘅傳聞，令到球會上下都好大壓力。報導入面有句咁講：「高普其中一樣天賦就係對人嘅信任」，作為球迷，我會學習高普，選擇相信，無論係邊一個崗位，大家都要團結一致，支持利物浦再創新高峰。

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最近有篇超長文講高普，唔想睇英文又唔想Google Translate?冇問題，今次有母語翻譯！每句英粵對照，唔想睇英文嘅就Skip嚟睇啦

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[母語翻譯]
From Hong Kong to Kiev:
At the end of the storm,
there's a golden sky...
由香港到基輔：
暴雨過後 總有晴天

The inside story of how Jurgen Klopp
weathered the worst to lead Liverpool
into the Champions League final
究竟高普點樣帶住利物浦捱過風浪殺入歐聯決賽

By Melissa Reddy

"And now, we will go to Kiev. It sounds crazy, but it's true."
“我哋嚟緊就去基輔。聽起嚟痴撚線，但係真㗎。“

The downpours, pelting over Kowloon as though they were bullets from above, had finally subsided. For Liverpool, however, this was the inception of the storm.
嚟香港踢波先落狗屎，唔同連個天都唔鍾意我。但原來對利物浦嚟講，果日只係惡夢嘅開始。

Before the sun could fully crack through the scattered clouds that Friday morning in Hong Kong last July 21st, Jurgen Klopp’s phone screen was crowded with notifications from sporting director, Michael Edwards, and Fenway Sports Group president, Mike Gordon.
舊年7月21號，打鑼咁早，身在香港嘅高普部電話已經畀體育總監Michael Edwards同FSG總裁Mike Gordon嘅message震爆咗。

The news being broken to the manager - the club had instantly rejected a £72 million bid from Barcelona for Philippe Coutinho - was yesterday’s back-page buffet in the United Kingdom courtesy of the seven-hour time difference.
喺高普同隊波仲瞓緊覺果時，球會已經拒絕咗巴塞羅拿對古天奴7200萬鎊嘅開價。

Klopp’s designs for the pre-season tour had already been scaled back due to monsoon conditions that prompted cancelled training sessions and improvised workouts.
高普嘅季前熱身計劃本身已經畀香港嘅天氣打亂咗，原有嘅訓練只可以改為體能訓練。

It was this development, though, which had the potential to cyclone through their preparations for 2017-18.
但呢鑊就真係堅，隨時將成季嘅部署打亂晒。

Liverpool could not have been more unambiguous in their response to the offer: there would be no summer sale, regardless of how much the fee shot up.
利物浦嘅官方回應好堅定：無論幾多錢，今個夏天都唔會賣。

Undisguised, too, was the fact La Liga’s giants would return armed with a traditional media offensive that would pack more of a punch than their improved proposals.
而另一方面，更加肯定嘅係，呢支西甲班霸唔會就咁放棄，佢哋媒體喉舌嘅攻勢比起佢哋嘅叫價更加凌厲。

The only variable surrounded the focal point. What was Coutinho, who had signed a new five-year deal without a release clause that January, thinking?
唯一唔肯定嘅係，究竟啱啱喺1月簽咗5年約嘅古天奴點諗呢？

As Klopp entered the private assembly room for breakfast at the palatial Ritz-Carlton, the answer immediately presented itself. The 25-year-old, inner turmoil tinting his facial features, was on edge with “an instant difference in his body language,” according to observers.
當高普行入香港Ritz-Carlton酒店準備畀球隊食早餐果間房嘅時候，即刻明晒。古天奴嘅面部表情同身體語言都話畀大家知，佢心入面十五十六。

So this was a problem. Klopp walked over to Coutinho to schedule a talk for that evening, when they had an honest and respectful exchange.
呢個係一個問題。高普同古天奴講，約定傍晚攤牌講清楚。

Liverpool could not simply delete their plans for the season on account of Barcelona being unprepared for the loss of Neymar to Paris Saint-Germain, the Reds boss explained.
高普話，巴塞羅拿戇鳩鳩畀尼馬走咗去巴黎聖日耳門，唔代表利物浦就要跟住一齊柒㗎嘛。

It was a point he circled back to, while also emphasising that the timing was wrong, as was the message it would send about the club.
高普不停重複呢一點，佢仲提到， 呢刻賣人時機錯晒，而且外界會點樣睇利物浦呢？

Coutinho understood that, but highlighted the sacrifices his wife, Aine, and parents had made for his career. The future revolved around them as much as it did his own ambitions.
古天奴好明白，但佢提到佢老婆Aine同埋佢父母已經為佢嘅職業犧牲好多。諗將來嘅時候佢除咗考慮自己嘅目標，亦都要考慮屋企人。

He was happy at Liverpool, he loved the club, he was full of gratitude… But this was Barcelona. And beyond that, it represented a lifestyle change for his family, who could function within a culture so much closer to their own.
佢喺利物浦好開心。佢好鍾意隊波，亦都心存感激。但係，果隊係巴塞喎。除此之外，轉會仲代表生活上重大嘅轉變，搬去果邊嘅文化會更加適合佢屋企。

Klopp acknowledged Coutinho’s thought process, but repeated that it was about Liverpool and this was not the right thing for the club, for his teammates, or for their season ambitions.
高普好明白古天奴嘅思路，但佢再次強調，呢個係利物浦嘅問題，呢個對隊波唔係好事，對班波同對佢哋今季嘅大計都唔係好事。

The message was reinforced privately by Edwards and the ownership before a public declaration.
喺發出官方聲明之前，Edwards同老闆都分別私底下向古天奴重申呢幾點。

/“We wish to offer clarity as regards our position on a possible transfer of Philippe Coutinho,” read a statement on the club’s official website on August 11 2017, which highlighted their “definitive stance is that no offers for Philippe will be considered and he will remain a member of Liverpool FC when the summer window closes.”

“我們特此重申有關古天奴轉會一事之立場” 球會於2017年8月11日發出官方聲明“任何對古天奴的開價均不會被考慮，他於夏季轉會窗關閉時將繼續是利物浦的一員”/

Through the clinking glasses and guffaws, there is thick blend of relief and defiance daubing the atmosphere in the Freshfield area of Formby.
利物浦附近嘅一個小鎮 Formby 充斥住杯碟聲同埋歡笑聲。

It is Saturday, January 6 2018, where a long-scheduled New Year’s celebration for Liverpool’s staff at the Klopp residence has coincided with the £142m sale of Coutinho to Barcelona.
今年1月6號星期六，成班利物浦嘅職球員喺高普屋企開緊Party。無獨有偶，球會啱啱公佈古天奴將會以1億4200萬鎊身價加盟巴塞。

The news had been released shortly before the flow of Monkey 47 gin and a catalogue of German lager at the gathering, with the message following the announcement on the club’s official website entirely scripted by the manager.
呢個消息都係喺佢地呢個不醉無歸嘅聚會之前無耐公佈，而呢篇球會嘅官方聲明其實係出自高普手筆。

/“Players will come and players will go, that is football, but as a club we are big enough and strong enough to continue with our aggressive progression on the pitch, even when we lose an important player. We have never been in a better position in recent times, as a club, to react in the right way. We will use our size and strength to absorb moments like this and still move forward.”
“有出先有入，足球係咁㗎啦。但我哋作為一間球會，即使無咗一個重要嘅球員，都應該夠堅強喺球場上繼續拼搏。我哋而家處於近年嚟最好嘅時間去應對呢個轉變，我哋應該夠強大去適應然後繼續向前。”/

That night, as the spine of the football staff and their partners made his home their own, Klopp may as well have had the words inked on his appearance.
果晚，當球員帶埋佢地嘅另一半去到高普屋企嘅時候，大家都睇得出高普嘅心情寫晒喺塊面度。

The party, defined as “symbolic” and “powerful” had an element of toasting to Coutinho’s contribution at Liverpool, but at the same time, there was a sense of middle fingers flying in the direction of the doom decorating his departure.
有人事後形容果晚嘅派對好有象徵意義同力量。個Party其實亦都係為咗感謝古天奴對球隊嘅貢獻，但同時似乎大家都對佢嘅離開暗地裡媽聲四起。

Whatever followed, those present felt they were in this together. They believed in each other, in the roster, that the addition of Virgil van Dijk would make Liverpool stronger, that there was more than enough snarl as a collective to continue on an upward trajectory.
無論如何，出席嘅球員都感覺到大家喺同一條船。佢哋相信大家，而且相信雲迪克加盟之後隊波會更加強大，越踢越好。

That Klopp, above all, subscribed so religiously to this thinking translated into others sharing his conviction.
而高普就不斷將呢個信念向成班波洗腦。

Liverpool would not just be fine, Liverpool would be fucking flying.
利物浦唔只會掂，仲要係好撚掂。

Klopp was a portrait of confidence and composure, but the previous five months had been stressful for the former Borussia Dortmund trainer.
高普一直係自信同冷靜嘅化身。但過去5個月，呢位前多蒙特嘅領隊承受住好大壓力。

It went against his entire nature, heavily built around empathy, to see a player so sewn in distress. He treasured Coutinho professionally as well as personally and agonised over what the saga was doing to the Brazil international.
呢個同佢嘅天性相反。佢對古天奴受嘅巨大壓力充滿住同情，而且佢喺個人同足球層面都好欣賞古天奴，對於佢喺呢場轉會風波入面所受嘅折磨亦感同身受。

Klopp imagined what it was like for him at home. He was torn by the impact it was potentially having on his wife and young daughter.
高普曾經想像如果係佢自己，佢老婆同咁細個嘅女所受嘅影響，佢感到更加痛苦。

The manager knew how he'd feel if one of his own kids were going through that situation, or if his partner was being affected by it.
佢好明白如果係佢嘅仔女面對咁嘅情況，或者係佢老婆受到嘅影響會係幾咁大。

Part of Klopp’s weaponry is sagacity, drilling deep to appreciate what drives those that line up under him or work alongside him.
高普其中一個強項就係佢嘅睿智。佢識得深入了解幫佢做嘢嘅人，佢哋嘅動力來源係乜嘢。

That he knew Coutinho, who is quite sensitive and counts his family as his axis, was cheerless made him so too.
而佢知道，古天奴係一個多愁善感嘅人。佢嘅屋企人就係佢嘅世界，而呢點亦係點解佢咁唔開心。

The 50-year-old is often cast as the centrepiece, revelling in attention. He is charismatic, and so is more than comfortable getting on the dance floor or grabbing the mic to create a rhapsodic environment.
呢位50歲嘅教頭經常都成為大家嘅焦點。佢好有魅力，而且好擅長製造開心熱鬧嘅環境氣氛。

But those who know him best insist Klopp is happiest sitting off and shining the spotlight on the ones he cares about having a good time.
但熟悉佢嘅人會知道，其實佢最鍾意嘅係坐埋一邊，睇住佢珍重嘅人做返主角接受群眾嘅目光。

He loves witnessing the initiation tradition of a player singing a song in front of all his teammates.
佢好鍾意一個傳統，就係叫一個球員喺隊友面前唱歌。

He adores the environment the squad have carved between themselves and the way they have married the serious (a strict fine system) with the humorous - Dejan Lovren’s ‘gaffer’ social media undressing stands out after he revealed his Champions League half-time rallying call at Manchester City.
佢好喜歡球隊嘅氣氛，可以將嚴肅(嚴格嘅罰款制度)同幽默結合，例如路夫蘭就喺社交媒體同球迷分享佢喺對曼城果場波半場休息嘅時候做更衣室大佬嘅事。

Klopp can also spend hours on YouTube watching videos of joyous supporters and has noted multiple times this season that watching the crowd develop and truly connect with the team has been special.
高普亦都好鍾意上YouTube睇球迷嘅片。佢多次提到睇住球迷真正同球隊連結埋一齊嘅感覺好特別。

So to view the opposite - to see sadness plague Coutinho - was piercing.
相反，睇住古天奴所受嘅折磨，亦令高普無比痛苦。

As such, if the decision was solely Klopp’s to make, the No.10’s switch to Spain would have been sanctioned before the start of 2017-18.
正因為咁，如果畀高普話晒事，佢開季前就會將古天奴賣去西班牙。

Never thinking he is always right, and knowing what he personally felt was trivial when juxtaposed with the full picture, the German supported the reasoning of Edwards, Gordon and the ownership in general.
高普唔係一個覺得自覺永遠啱嘅人。佢知道自己嘅感覺都係好表面嘅，當佢將成個大局擺喺眼前，佢都同意Edwards，Gordon同老闆嘅諗法。

It did not make sense then, that when the only route available for Coutinho to secure an exit was to go antagonist, his camp targeted the manager in their press onslaught, which only hardened FSG’s stance.
離奇嘅係，當時古天奴一方要離隊嘅唯一可能性就只能夠擺爛個款，而佢哋嘅陣營竟然以高普作為攻擊對象，咁樣結果只係加強咗FSG唔賣嘅決心。

Klopp hid it well, but the falsehoods over his relationship with Liverpool’s “genius,” plus the player’s manufactured unhappiness at the club did hurt - especially as he continued to publicly fight his corner.
雖然高普無表現出嚟，但果啲關於佢同古天奴關係惡劣嘅流言同埋古天奴為球隊帶嚟嘅唔開心，的確係傷害咗高普，特別係高普仲要出嚟喺公眾面前辯護。

Coutinho’s performances post the saga, especially on the continent, may have been seen as a fait accompli, but to get him to feature in the Champions League at all was an achievement.
古天奴喺呢次事件後嘅表現，尤其喺歐聯賽場，有目共睹。但派佢喺歐聯出場呢件事本身就已經唔簡單。

When it became apparent there was absolutely no twisting of Liverpool’s arm, the threat of not representing the club in Europe was still strongly being advocated by his advisors.
當知道利物浦嘅立場非常堅定之後，古天奴嘅軍師就極力主張古天奴拒絕喺歐聯上陣。

Gordon and Edwards toiled to surgically remove that and Klopp began reintegrating Coutinho, a process made simpler by his protection of the wantaway star.
Gordon同Edwards好辛苦咁解決咗呢個問題，高普亦重新將古天奴擺返入球隊嘅戰術體制入面，而高普千方百計咁喺公眾面前保護古天奴亦都令呢件事更加容易。

Despite the heckling and suspicious inverted commas each time the ‘back injury’ that sidelined the midfielder in August was mentioned, Klopp never deviated from his line - even when the issue was “only emotional” according to Brazil’s doctor during an international break.
雖然8月嘅時候，古天奴因“背傷”的確惹嚟唔少懷疑，即使巴西軍醫都話佢嘅背傷只係情緒問題，但高普始終如一支持球員。

Squad harmony and ensuring there were no further hiccups to the start of the season was paramount for Klopp - he did not mind being the subject of ridicule, which drew mass respect from the dressing room.
球隊嘅和諧對高普嚟講最為重要。佢唔介意成為事情嘅主角，咁就可以令傳媒嘅焦點離開更衣室。

10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1…
Happy New Year!
新年快樂！

2018 had only just ticked in, but it entered with the same complexity and concern Liverpool had enjoyed a temporary break from.
2018年啱啱開始，同時標誌住呢個困擾住利物浦嘅問題喺短暫嘅休息之後又再出現。

Barcelona were not so much knocking on the door as they were smashing through it. Coutinho’s desire to leave had not diminished despite his excellence behind a supreme frontline and the club preparing for their first Champions League knockout fixture since 2009.
巴塞羅拿今次唔只係敲門，可以講係撞門。雖然古天奴上半季留喺利物浦表現出色，而球隊亦自2009年以嚟第一次打入歐聯淘汰賽，但佢離隊嘅慾望並無消失。

Liverpool did not want a repeat of the upheaval of the summer, but conversely, neither did they want to cede the Brazilian during such a positive juncture.
利物浦唔想重演上個夏天嘅劇情，但另一方面亦唔想喺呢個重要關頭失去古天奴。

Against the tide, they attempted to persuade him to stay until the end of the season on very lucrative terms - a deal now effective later. However, there was no budging from Barca’s end nor his: Coutinho had been on Merseyside for five years and he was adamant: it was time to say goodbye.
利物浦嘗試挽留古天奴，以先簽約後離隊嘅方式留到季尾。但無論巴塞定係古天奴都寸步不讓：佢已經喺度踢咗5年，佢非常堅決係時候離隊。

As the days ticked on and the eventuality of a sale became more pronounced, Gordon was hugely concerned that the uplifting tone around the club would morph into one of unrest. He was insistent that any abuse should be funnelled towards him and the ownership, shielding Klopp and the squad from toxicity.
當轉會勢在必行，Gordon非常擔心咁樣會為一切都穩步上揚嘅球隊帶嚟負面影響。佢堅持所有外界嘅責難都應該由佢同董事會承擔，高普同球員唔應該受到牽連。

Through this period, though, there was no calmer person at Melwood than the manager and there was no way he wouldn’t front up.
喺呢段期間，成個Melwood無人比高普更加冷靜，亦都無人可以阻止佢對住傳媒頂硬上。

Klopp demanded that everyone relax, that this was just a football transfer, and so they should treat it as such and nothing more.
高普要求所有球員保持放鬆，呢單只係普通嘅足球轉會，大家唔需要諗太多，

If Liverpool did not want any drama around it, then it was imperative that they did not create a spectacle themselves.
如果利物浦唔想事情繼續發酵，佢哋首先就要唔好自己製造新嘅話題。

It was a transaction, not a tombstone for the Reds’ season.
呢單只係一單普通嘅交易，隊波嘅球季仲未完嘅。

The most significant factor was how the squad would react to the development. The Magician was loved by his peers, but additionally, there had been an episode that played on Klopp’s mind.
最重要嘅係隊波點樣面對呢個轉變。隊友都好鍾意古天奴，而有件事喺高普心入面揮之不去。

One August afternoon, a desperate Coutinho approached the senior players’ committee and pencilled in a talk in one of the meeting rooms on Melwood’s ground tier.
早喺8月嘅時候，有一日古天奴喺Melwood一間會議室入面同球隊嘅“一隊球員委員會”開會。

He appealed to them to change the club’s mind, and while he knew the squad wanted him to stay, he also figured fellow professionals would recognise why he felt this was a ‘dream step’ that was critical to take.
佢希望球會可以改變決定。佢知道球隊希望佢留低，但佢亦深信隊友會明白佢為夢想而行嘅呢一步。

For all the chicanery that occurred during the summer window, it was the folding of his teammates into the fuss that most annoyed Klopp.
而最令高普擔憂嘅係其他隊友焦急嘅心情。

So when the deal was done and Coutinho was off, the manager rounded up the full group in the dressing room at the training complex and delivered an incisive address.
當轉會已成定局，高普召集所有球員，喺訓練場嘅更衣室向佢哋訓話。

The message was that they'd lost a great player and a friend, but it was no more than that. He told them to not give anyone on the outside a chance to say that Phil going has affected their season.
高普最主要嘅訊息係，佢哋係喪失咗一個好球員，但亦只係少咗一個好球員咁大把。最重要嘅係唔好畀外面嘅人有任何機會話古天奴嘅離開影響咗我哋嘅球季。

Klopp mentioned that the scrutiny would increase, but he didn't believe it would hamper Liverpool in a negative way. It was important for the team to believe the same, because if they allowed his exit to be an excuse, Liverpool were weak.
高普話佢相信出面嘅批評會越嚟越多，但佢唔覺得球隊會受到任何負面影響。隊波一定要有呢個信念，呢樣係好重要，否則如果球隊畀呢樣嘢成為藉口，咁利物浦就太軟弱。

He reminded his players they could decide whether people said their collective genius had walked out the door with Coutinho.
高普提醒球員，佢哋有能力話畀全世界知道，佢哋加埋嘅力量係咪都畀古天奴一個拎走晒。

/"This is us. On we go."
丟那媽 頂硬上/

Liverpool had anticipated a thunderstorm, and when the whistle for the interval went at the Etihad, they were relieved for the respite from Manchester City’s electric onslaught.
利物浦預咗場波會好難踢，而當半場嘅哨子聲響起嘅時候，佢哋即刻鬆一口氣，可以暫時忘記曼城喺主場瘋狂嘅攻勢。

The scoreline was only 1-0 to Pep Guardiola’s men on the night, and still 3-1 to the visitors on aggregate in the Champions League quarter-finals, but those first 45 minutes were punishing.
比數只係1-0，對於作客嘅利物浦嚟講兩回合計仲係領先緊3-1。但呢45分鐘嘅歐聯八強可以話係一種折磨。

Klopp’s half-time routine is consistent home and away. He speeds from the touchline to the dressing room, takes off his jacket and convenes with assistant coach Peter Krawietz, who has selected crucial in-match clips along with analysts Harrison Kingston and Mark Leyland.
高普每次嘅半場休息都係一樣，主場同作客都係。佢會由球場跑入更衣室，除咗件外套，集合埋已經剪好咗上半場精華嘅助教Peter Krawietz，同埋兩位分析員，Harrison Kingston 同 Mark Leyland。

The footage they slice is never usually of a goal being conceded or scored, but examples of how to avoid the former or ensure the latter by highlighting the positioning of the defensive line or where the best offensive spaces are.
佢哋揀嘅片通常都唔係重溫失波或者入波，而係講解防線嘅企位點樣防止失波，同埋點樣利用進攻嘅空位爭取入波。

At City, there was a deviation. Lovren had been shouting, telling the team to ‘wake up,’ that they weren’t showing enough belief and were allowing Kevin De Bruyne and co to do as they please.
而今次嚟到曼城，情況有啲唔同。路夫蘭大聲喝醒班隊友，話佢哋信心唔夠同埋畀迪布尼太多空位。

Klopp pounced on this as the perfect opening for his own message and so he broke away from his normal process, allowing the centre-back to speak for just under a minute before then commanding the room.
高普覺得呢個會係一個好好嘅開場白，所以佢畀咗大概1分鐘路夫蘭講佢要講嘅嘢。

He started by agreeing with the Croatian, before pointing at Lovren and Van Dijk, saying they were killing the team by being too deep.
之後輪到高普，佢首先同意路夫蘭嘅講法，然後就話路夫蘭同雲迪克逗得太深，令場波好難踢。

He then calmly got his crucial information over: get higher, condense the pitch and stop City playing the passes that feed their strengths.
然後佢好冷靜咁指示球員：逗前啲，企密啲，唔好畀曼城咁多空位做波。

In possession, relax, orientate yourselves better and speed it up. He pointed out spaces available to break City’s press, helping Liverpool retain the ball and thwart the hosts’ constant flow of attacks.
控球果時保持冷靜，轉身然後加速。善用進攻空位突破曼城嘅迫搶，亦都可以減慢曼城嘅進攻。

Klopp then highlighted Alex Oxlade-Chamberlain’s chance at the end of the first half as the memory that would be playing on loop in the home dressing room.
佢特別提到張伯倫臨完半場前嘅一次機會。

He stressed that City had just seen what Liverpool were capable of and it would be terrifying them as all it would've taken was one successful attack to scorch Guardiola's charges.
佢話呢球畀曼城睇到利物浦嘅實力，而佢哋先應該係驚果一隊，因為我哋一次成功嘅進攻佢哋就玩完。

There was an element of 'so what the fuck are we doing still sitting here?' as he ordered them to go out and get back on the front foot.
“咁仲坐喺度做乜鳩吖”高普就趕咗隊波出球場準備。

While City were engulfed by the emotion of the occasion with Guardiola getting sent off at half-time, Liverpool used the break to reorganise.
當曼城仍然因為哥迪奧拿半場被趕離場而激動，利物浦就借呢個時候重整旗鼓。

Klopp’s ability to cut through everything and communicate concisely was visible through the first passage of play in which his side strung five to six consecutive passes together.
高普講解戰術嘅能力可以由利物浦下半場第一個攻勢連續五六下靚傳就睇到。

It culminated in Mohamed Salah’s opener on 56 minutes that effectively ended the tie, after Gini Wijnaldum fed Oxlade-Chamberlain.
利物浦好快就得到回報。56分鐘，韋拿度姆傳畀張伯倫，最後由沙拿射入，賽事就基本上大局已定。

The England international dissected City to supply the Egyptian, who along with Sadio Mane had worked to isolate and unsettle Aymeric Laporte, Fernandinho and Nicolas Otamendi as per instruction.
張伯倫劏穿咗曼城嘅防線，畀沙拿配合文尼，根據高普嘅指示搞掂咗拿撲迪，費蘭甸奴同奧達文迪。

Klopp is forever examined through his magnetism, but not his methods. People see the cool as fuck figure with his unkept stubble in a hoody and trainers, but not the tactical nerd obsessed with preparation and details.
高普最吸引人嘅係佢嘅魅力而唔係佢嘅教波或者戰術。大家睇到嘅高普都係著住運動衫同埋有一頭混亂嘅短髮，同果啲執著於準備戰術部署嘅大師風格完全唔同。

The storyline is dictated by the hugs, fist pumps and rantings, but should be about the composed leader, who is able to read the room and never ducks a big call.
完場嘅一刻充滿住擁抱，碰拳同埋咆哮。但係唔能夠遺忘嘅係呢位永不退縮嘅領袖。

Liverpool need only a point to secure Champions League football heading into the final top-flight game of the season against Brighton? Ok then, he'll just pick four attackers.
利物浦只需要喺白禮頓身上拎到1分就足夠確保下季歐聯參賽資格？無問題，出四個前鋒囉。

There is a misconception too that Klopp’s management is punctuated by Hollywood moments, that ‘Any Given Sunday’ type zingers are delivered on a daily.
大家都有個誤會，就係喺高普嘅領導之下，呢啲本應喺荷李活先出現嘅誇張劇情好似每日都會上演。

To this point, Andy Robertson and Oxlade-Chamberlain are often asked “what did Klopp say to you when things weren’t going well at the start of your Liverpool career?”
就住呢點，羅拔臣同張伯倫都曾經分別被問到“高普喺你哋啱啱加盟，表現唔係咁好嘅時候，同你哋講過啲咩？”

There is no cinematographic answer as there were no elaborate meetings or ground-shifting discussions.
無任何驚喜嘅答案，因為根本就無任何特別嘅對話或者照肺。

He told them to continue as they were, put in the work, and the time would come, things would align.
高普只係叫佢哋繼續努力，時機會嚟到，所有嘢就會好順利。

Klopp believes there is no point ballooning something beyond what it actually is, and that often, the best decision to take is none at all.
高普覺得，有時一動不如一靜。

He figures having ‘the talk’ can be self-indulgent and self-serving at times. If there is no certain benefit to a player, what exactly is the point?
佢覺得有時呢啲所謂對話，即係照肺，根本幫唔到球員，晒氣。

And if there is no massive issue, with the criticism existing externally, why should Klopp feed the notion that there is a problem by formally addressing it?
如果根本就無乜問題，只係外界係度亂咁批評，咁何必太認真看待？

Take Mane for example, who was slightly off colour for a period, snatching a little too much and overthinking every action.
以文尼為例，佢有段時間的確係失色咗啲，獨食咗啲，有啲決定慢咗啲。

In general, though, the speedster was still a threat, still being decisive and still ensuring that the front three functioned exceptionally while adding to his defensive duties.
但整體嚟講，佢仍然係前場一個威脅，仍然係決定性嘅，加上佢喺防守嘅貢獻，確保三把尖刀可以各自發揮作用。

There was never a big sit down with the Senegal international, simply a brief sort of ‘What’s up? Stop beating yourself up about any mistakes, I am very happy with you.’
高普從來都無坐低同文尼傾過啲咩問題，最多都只係“喂，唔使咁躁，你踢得好吖我好滿意。”

Mane found his own way through his stifled spell, aided by a sprinkling of encouragement rather than a lengthy tactical dissection.
文尼最後都走出低潮，靠嘅只係少少嘅鼓勵，而唔需要長篇大論嘅戰術分析。

Klopp doesn’t hesitate to assume control when a situation demands it - see Mamadou Sakho as a reference - but he dictates when necessary, not out of ego nor as an act.
當然，如果有需要，高普會毫不猶豫手起刀落介入問題，沙高就係一個例子。但佢只會喺客觀情況有必要嘅時候先會咁，而絕對唔係自我中心。

October 8, 2015
2015年10月8號

At Hope Street Hotel in Liverpool’s city centre, those who would now work closely with the club’s new manager were offered insight into the character behind the established caricature.
喺利物浦市中心嘅希望街設計酒店(Hope Street Hotel)，一班而家同高普緊密合作嘅伙記當時就第一次見識到呢位領隊。

After Klopp signed a three-year deal worth an estimated £7m per season in the Sixth Boardroom, where Rafa Benitez had also ratified a contract with the club in 2004, he gathered the football staff for dinner.
高普同球會簽咗3年，每年值7百萬鎊嘅合約。佢簽約嘅地方同2004年賓尼迪斯同利物浦簽約嘅地方一樣。簽約之後，高普就約咗成班職員食晚飯。

Some expected a rousing speech from the German, others assumed it would be the introduction to Jurgen’s Law.
大家都預期高普會發表激勵嘅演說，或者先小人後君子講下自己帶波嘅規矩。

Instead, Klopp spoke very little, inviting everyone to tell him about themselves, their roles and how things worked at Liverpool - from training schedules to the matchday routine. He wanted to absorb as much information as possible.
但結果，高普無乜點講嘢。佢邀請所有人分別介紹自己，佢啲嘅崗位同職責，由訓練日程到比賽日嘅運作，佢都想知道多啲。

When it was time to talk through the media plan for his unveiling, Klopp was asked about his preferences when dealing with press. “No, no,” he responded, underlining that this was the communication team's field and they were the experts.
當講到應對媒體方面，高普話呢個係公關團隊嘅範疇同專業。

They had to tell him how it should be. They had to teach him.
佢會等佢哋指導佢點做。

One of the Stuttgart native’s gifts is trusting and turning to the people he works with, previously stating “I’m not a one-man show. I was never that in my life, and I never want to be that. The best lesson you can get in a day - to speak to smart people about things they know about much more about than you do.”
高普其中一樣天賦就係對人嘅信任。“我唔係單打獨鬥嘅人，我從來都唔係。每日最好嘅事就係同聰明嘅人傾計，聽佢哋講一啲佢哋比你叻好多嘅嘢。”

It is why when recruitment continuously pushed Salah to the forefront of the agenda for Liverpool’s incomings, Klopp co-signed their expertise.
咁就解釋咗點解當球探極力推薦沙拿嘅時候，高普毫不猶豫就投下信任一票。

He is across everything, but respects staff who take responsibility for their spheres of influence and are bold enough to settle on important decisions without informing him of each small detail.
高普好尊重所有同事喺佢哋自己嘅範疇工作，而且可以勇敢啲做決定，唔使事無大小都問准佢。

Klopp surrounds himself with strong personalities, and as such, perhaps that partly explains why his long-time assistant and friend, Zeljko Buvac, is expected to leave the club at the end of the season.
高普身邊有好多叻人一齊做嘢。或者正因為咁，佢嘅長期拍檔，Zeljko Buvac 預計將會係季尾離隊。

The Bosnian-Serb has been missing from the first-team fold since the end of April due to ‘personal reasons,’ and while no clarity has been offered on the situation, there is thought to be an element of discontent for Buvac over his standing in football.
呢位助教自從4月尾就因為私人理由缺席一隊嘅活動。外界盛傳其中一個原因係佢唔滿意自己喺對足球方面嘅意見唔夠被重視，而呢個傳聞亦一直無被正式澄清。

That his absence has not affected Liverpool behind the scenes is a nod to the strength of the individuals in the backroom team.
佢嘅缺席對利物浦影響似乎唔大正好證明球隊背後支援嘅團隊實力洪厚。

It is a strand that runs through the playing personnel as well, with proof in the non-upheaval following Coutinho’s winter departure.
呢點同球員喺古天奴離隊後嘅穩定表現有異曲同工之妙。

Just as the footballers have happily assumed more responsibility, so too have the coaching and support staff.
正如其他球員樂於承擔更多責任，職員亦都一樣。

“Incredibly healthy” has been a label used to describe the overall set-up at Melwood and when you consider the seamless adjustment of Van Dijk and Salah, it seems an accurate assessment.
有人形容Melwood 嘅分工安排係“非常健康”。當你睇到雲迪克同沙拿都可以咁快適應球隊，呢個講法似乎千真萬確。

Meanwhile, players that took a while to find their stride, like Robertson and Oxlade-Chamberlain, never felt walled off.
同時，一啲需要多啲時間適應嘅球員，例如羅拔臣同張伯倫，都無感到被遺忘。

Klopp empowered Henderson to cultivate the dressing room culture and the captain has promoted a togetherness many within the West Derby facility say they haven’t encountered before.
高普吩咐軒達臣負責更衣室裡面嘅氣氛同文化，而大家都認同呢位隊長為球隊帶嚟前所未有嘅團結。

The bond extends beyond the team to the non-football staff, who are part of the fabric of the place too. This is so much so, that even when players leave the fondness lingers.
呢股團結力量亦擴展至其他職員，甚至乎有啲球員離隊後仍然維持住對球隊嘅感情。

When Liverpool travelled to Rome for the second leg of their Champions League semi-final, Lucas Leiva sent back a surprise for popular canteen pairing Carol Farrell and Caroline Guest - signed Lazio shirts with a personal message for both.
當利物浦作客羅馬嘅時候，盧卡斯利華就準備咗拉素簽名波衫作為驚喜禮物送畀一對飯堂孖寶，Carol Farrel 同 Caroline Guest。

Meanwhile, it is in their domain - the dinning room - where Klopp and Edwards often strategise over breakfast or lunch beyond the more in-depth presentations on players. The duo, who both employ an open-door policy, enjoy an effortless relationship underpinned by mutual respect.
高普同Edwards經常都去到飯堂踩場，趁住食早餐或者午餐嘅時間，向球員做戰術指導。呢對飯堂孖寶都表示門常開，非常之歡迎大家。

And while the sporting director keeps a low profile as he prefers to do his job rather than talk about it, allowing him to make moves under the radar at times, Klopp appreciates that he is distinguished in his field and very decisive.
我哋嘅體育總監比較鍾意低調，不受注目，而高普就非常欣賞佢，喺佢嘅範疇十分之出色，亦好果斷。

The Reds boss is never shy to talk up the brilliance of the recruitment group, who are backed by a stellar research team run by Ian Graham.
高普亦毫不吝惜對由Ian Graham帶領嘅球探團隊嘅讚美。

And while Edwards is not the type to seek credit, Liverpool’s forward line - the most devastating in Europe this season - is largely his sketch.
雖然Edwards並唔鍾意領功，但其實利物浦而家嘅前場三叉戟，好大程度係佢嘅功勞。

Gordon assesses the dovetailing between the pair as a core canon for the club’s success. Klopp appreciates Edwards’ intelligence in assembling a team to effectively implement his aggressive blueprint, while the transfer chief is aware that signing a top player is purposeless without a top manager to extract every inch of their talent.
Gordon覺得兩人之間嘅合作係球會成功嘅重要武器。高普欣賞Edwards可以砌到隊波啱佢用，而呢位轉會話事人亦明白，幾好嘅球員都需要一個優秀嘅領隊先可以發揮所長。

The way the Reds have vaporised teams on the continent this season with their attacking venom has seen a spike in agents calling up to ascertain if there’d be any interest in their exciting clients.
利物浦今季令人聞風喪膽嘅表現令唔少經理人都蠢蠢欲動，想睇下利物浦對佢哋嘅球員有無興趣。

Liverpool are now the running train.
利物浦而家可以話係如日方中。

/'I could see myself here for the rest of my career'
我覺得自己淨低嘅職業生涯都會喺呢度。/

FSG were convinced, but how could they not have been? For nearly five years, he was the one: the ownership’s ideal manager, who remained just out of reach.
FSG都好有信心。等咗將近5年，佢就係管理層心儀嘅領隊人選。

In October 2015, however, he had finally become their one - Liverpool’s Jurgen Klopp.
2015年10月，高普終於成為利物浦領隊。

But it was only on a three-year deal. He had never lived outside of Germany, let alone managed in a different country, and while there were no doubts over his status as The Perfect Fit on the club’s end, Klopp was mindful of the adaptation both he and his family would have to undertake.
但當時佢只係簽咗一份3年嘅合約。佢從來未試過喺德國以外居住，更加唔好講帶一隊德國以外嘅球隊。雖然球會對高普充滿信心，但佢就難免顧慮佢同屋企人適應嘅問題。

The contract represented a realistic scenario rather than a romantic one. During a relaxed conversation in June 2016, however, he remarked that he could imagine being at Liverpool for the rest of his managerial career to Gordon.
合約終歸係現實嘅。之後喺2016年，佢提到自己可能可以將淨低嘅執教生涯都放係利物浦。

That put in motion an instant process to lock Klopp in after a quick discussion with principle owner John Henry and chairman Tom Werner.
球隊即刻事不宜遲，同老闆John Henry同主席Tom Werner簡單討論之後，就立即著手準備留住高普。

Within a matter of hours, fresh terms had been thrashed out with the manager’s agent, Marc Kosicke, and a new six-year deal was agreed.
話咁快，新合約就預備好，喺高普經理人Marc Kosicke嘅協助下，高普簽咗一份6年嘅合約。

Klopp had been on holiday in Ibiza before ferrying over to Formentera, the smallest of Spain’s Balearic islands in the Mediterranean Sea.
當時，高普正喺西班牙伊維薩島(Ibiza)放緊大假，佢之後再飛到地中海嘅福門特拉島(Formentera)繼續行程。

And on June 16, as he celebrated his 49th birthday, he also toasted signing on until 2022, with the news only being announced at the start of pre-season the following month.
喺6月16號，當佢慶祝緊49歲生日嘅同時，佢亦正式簽約擔任利物浦領隊直至2022年，而呢個好消息一直等到臨開季先向外公佈。

/"When you have an individual of Jurgen's quality in the building it makes perfect sense to secure that person for the long term. To not do so would be irresponsible."
“當你有一個好似高普咁有能力嘅人帶領球隊，無理由唔同佢簽份長約，否則係對球隊不負責任”/

Long before Henry, Werner and Gordon had first met with Klopp on October 1 2015 at the New York law offices of Shearman & Sterling, they had done extensive homework on his credentials.
遠喺Henry，Werner同Gordon第一次同高普喺2015年10月1號喺紐約一間律師樓見面之前，佢哋已經對高普做咗好多功課。

It was obvious that he was charming and a unifying figure, but they sharply realised there was endless substance beyond the soundbites and mad-scientist smile.
好明顯高普係一個有魅力而有凝聚力嘅人物，但佢哋好快就發現高普嘅功力唔只咁簡單。

Liverpool had craved a recognisable identity and here was a bonafide architect; a man worshipped in Mainz and Dortmund for his remarkable design work.
利物浦有令人景仰嘅歷史同身分，而高普正正就係一個優秀嘅建築師，佢喺緬因斯同多蒙特嘅出色表現已經係好好嘅證明。

They spoke for hours at the high-rise building on Lexington Avenue in Manhattan, chewing over everything from playing style to reawakening the fan base and reconvened the following day for further talks.
佢哋果日傾咗好耐。由球隊踢法到球迷覺醒，佢哋甚至好傾到要約定第二日繼續傾。

Klopp had made one particular point with regularity: Liverpool should be a force in Europe. And they could be. He would work to get them back amongst Europe’s elite, and moreover, as being the kind of team no-one wanted to face in the Champions League.
高普提出咗一點：利物浦應該，而且可以喺歐洲有一席位。佢會令球隊重返歐洲前列，而且會令利物浦成為喺歐聯無人想對碰嘅隊伍。

In a matter of months after arriving in Liverpool, he had guided the club to the Europa League final eliminating Manchester United, Dortmund and Villarreal en route before falling short against Sevilla at the showpiece in Basel.
嚟到利物浦未夠1年，高普就帶領球隊先後淘汰曼聯，多蒙特同維拉利爾，殺入歐霸盃決賽，可惜喺巴塞爾輸咗畀西維爾。

In his first full season at the helm, Klopp’s side secured a fourth-place finish and a crack at Champions League football for only the second time in eight seasons.
喺佢嘅第一季英超，佢就成功殺入前四，拎到來季歐聯參賽資格。呢個只係利物浦近8年嚟第2次。

And having navigated a tricky qualifier against Hoffenheim last August to enter the group phase of the tournament, Liverpool are in now in its final and will be at the continent’s top table again next season.
而今季，先喺外圍賽淘汰賀芬咸，再經過分組賽，利物浦而家已經嚟到歐聯決賽，而且已經穩奪下年嘅歐聯參賽資格。

Whatever happens against Real Madrid in Kiev, Liverpool’s advancement is unarguable.
無論喺基輔對皇家馬德里嘅決賽結果係點，利物浦嘅進步都係有目共睹。

Rewinding to Hong Kong, that they have made it here - one objective boxed off, one well surpassed - through the disruption, the injuries and the sale of Coutinho mid-season, is masterful.
回帶重溫由香港開始嘅球季，經歷風風雨雨，古天奴離隊同埋傷兵滿營，最終前四目標達到，歐聯之路令人驚喜。

Liverpool have the opportunity to be the ultimate conquerers of Europe this season having already dispatched Porto, Manchester City and Roma, smashing scoring records en route to the NSC Olimpiyskiy Stadium.
利物浦先後闖過波圖，曼城同羅馬，向住奧林匹克國家綜合體育場進發，有機會成為歐洲嘅盟主。

Most significantly though, there is a wealth of confidence within the club that this will not be a rarity, that spellbinding nights under Anfield’s lights will become a divine right again.
而最重要嘅係，球會上下充滿信心，今季嘅成績唔係偶然，以後仍然陸續有嚟。

They believe Liverpool will not just be fine, Liverpool will be fucking flying.
佢哋相信，利物浦唔單止會掂，仲會係好撚掂。

原文連結：

記者會
『捍衛台灣主權，不顧北京反對，讓世界看見台灣』
採訪通知時間：108年2月25日星期一下午1:30
記者會地點：台北凱達格蘭大道 進二二八公園靠近北一女總統府左側停車場景觀台。
訴求:
1.『捍衛台灣主權，不顧北京反對，讓世界看見台灣』
2.位於屏東市的和平公園預定興建社區活動中心。社區居民希望「維持綠地、取消工程」
說明:
1.留言運動MTDF十位台大學生發起人共同表示 :
不顧北京反對，新聞稿硬是分成兩種版本XD
留言時間：台灣標準時間 2 月 28 日 星期四（00 : 00 ~ 24 : 00）
詼諧有趣版
※不顧北京反對，台灣中國，一邊一國。
※不顧北京反對，討厭92共識，一國兩制。
※不顧北京反對，力挺蔡英文總統。
※不顧北京反對，我就是要加蔡總統的line + FB。
※不顧北京反對，美國總統也曾，不支持兩岸和平協議。
※不顧北京反對，Youtube頻道，就是要訂閱Vlog心聲。
※不顧北京反對，加拿大多倫多大學學生會長選舉，藏族女性當選。
※不顧北京反對，台灣自由度報告榮獲93分。咦? 11分的鄰居您好，媽媽自幼教導我們交友要慎選，等您超過60分，並且不會再揍我了，我們再來一家親。
※不顧北京反對，老師請我舉謊言的例子時，我勇敢說出，馬桶裡有馬，中國的和平協議有和平。
※不顧北京反對，我就是要天天一直說"不顧北京反對"。
※不顧北京反對，台灣總統，將會去美國國會發表演說。
所以， 我們不顧北京反對，發起了這個留言運動MTDF。
正經八百篇
想知道什麼是MTDF留言運動嗎? 歡迎google搜尋關鍵字 : 芋傳媒 + MTDF
https://taronews.tw/2019/02/19/258639

以下是支持留言活動的連署名單
fb社團 : 辣台派挺英團結聯盟，打馬悍將粉絲團，只是堵藍，亂報， 峰狂打臉94爽，小英臉書戰友團，蔡英文網路後援會，抓到了!這梗很綠 。
政治人物 : 屏東縣蔣月惠議員服務處 。
※心路歷程 : 這個禮拜以來的宣傳，礙於我們的身分無法曝光，所以不順遂的路途，是可以預見的。
因為，我們害怕紅色親中媒體的反撲，害怕校內持有特定立場教授的不公平對待，說不害怕，是騙人
的。連高中英文老師都可以出題侮辱總統了，又有什麼是不可能的?我們雖孱弱渺小，不認識知名人物，
沒有政黨奧援，憑藉著蔣月惠議員與芋傳媒的幫忙，仍然走到了今天。對於他們，我們表達由衷的感
謝。這一次，我們選擇勇敢，因為，台灣，只有一個。
明年的總統大選，要投誰呢? 就讓我們一起”不顧北京反對”吧，就對了!
PS.”不顧北京反對”的文章創作靈感，發想並模擬自旺旺中時集團，感恩無極限。
2.位於屏東縣屏東市的和平公園預定興建社區活動中心。社區居民希望「維持綠地、取消工程」，
組成「屏東和平公園護綠聯盟」，並有以下質疑：
（一） 公園是全民資產，社區活動中心蓋在公園內，損害大眾使用權利；
（二） 本案關乎社區福祉，在規劃過程中，無任何公民參與機會便已發包；
（三） 地方政府無法提出必要興建的評估數據；
（四） 缺少〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉提及「整體性計畫」與「應保留和平公園總面積二分之一以上之綠覆地」核准條件證明；
（五） 缺少備具「公共設施用地多目標使用計畫」並經縣府申請核准。
（詳請請見綠盟網站：https://goo.gl/Tq9x5C）
聯絡人: 蔣月惠0936812315
感謝!!!可愛記者群來關懷!!!
這一場名為 MTDF 的留言運動
寄信留言活動：
• 留言時間：台灣標準時間 2 月 28 日 星期四（00 : 00 ~ 24 : 00）
• 留言對象：美國參議員 Ted Cruz + 美國各主流媒體（CNN + Fox News）
• 參議員與主流媒體的留言管道：透過 FB 進入議員與主流媒體 FB 頁面後的最佳留言處 : 稍加瀏覽後，選擇一篇最多台灣人留言的 po 文進行 po 文
我們是一群默默無名的大學生，此次，我們著手寫了「一封給與美國參議員 Ted Cruz 的公開信——來自一群台灣大學生」。企盼能促成蔡總統的美國國會演說之行。在此誠摯邀請每一位朋友的相助，在 2/28 當日一人一信，一同用留言的方式，讓世界看見台灣。
To 比我們年輕的高中，國中，國小莘莘學子：
不關心政治的處罰，就是可能在未來的某個時空裡被糟糕的人（共產黨）統治。也許你們並無投票實權，但你們對社群網站的嫻熟，絕對不亞於我們。歡迎你在 228 加入我們留言的活動。（快幫忙宣傳阿，只要簡單的複製 + 貼上）
To 比我們年長的社會中堅分子與年邁長者：
我們此刻之所以能高談闊論，歸功於你們過去無私的付出。為了下一代民主自由的環境，我們挺身而出，承襲你們過去的意志，請一同響應此次的留言行動。
此次行動訴求為 Make Taiwan Democratic Forever.
#MTDF #MTDF #MTDF (很重要，所以說 3 次)
英文信件分成以下兩個版本：
• 版本一：寄給美國參議員 Ted Cruz
• 版本二：寄給美國各主流媒體（CNN + Fox News）
注意：當我們在 FB 搜尋關鍵字時�是 CNN，不是 CNN International �是 Fox News，不是 Fox
美國參議院友台派議員 Ted Cruz，先前提議邀請台灣總統蔡英文至美國國會發表演說。
圖片來源：Ted Cruz Twitter
支持蔡總統之緣由
不論您是華獨，台獨，抑或是維持現狀者，我們都是對岸共產黨政權口中的台獨人士，而蔡總統是我們的最大公約數。面對中國 92 共識，一國兩制的惡意要脅，蔡總統立場堅定，始終如一。對照國內政壇要角，有人立場搖擺，有人始終不棄 92 共識，誰最能保護台灣利益，答案自是不言可喻。
若您此刻還不是蔡總統的堅定支持者，請沏壺茶小憩片刻，瀏覽下方文章。閱畢之後，也許重拾豁然開朗的心境。
對我們而言，台灣不只是我們的——故鄉，更是我們生死相依的地方。�我們只是一群極其平凡的學生，這次，我們選擇不再沉默。那，你呢？�請捲起衣袖，理清我們的思緒，勇敢地走出同温層。
你，並不孤單。因為，你，有我們並肩同行。
歷史殷鑑不遠，切莫讓台灣成為下一個新疆，下一個西藏，下一個香港。
#自己的總統自己挺，自己的國家自己救
PS. 我們只是一群平凡的 NTU 大學生，並非專業外交人員，文章並無請教外籍人士抑或是請益校內教授，我們嘗試呈現學生族群最原始的面貌與聲音，如有任何文法錯誤，尚祈各界不吝指正。
英文留言中文版（此翻譯著重平鋪直敘，並無刻意雕琢與美化）
《一封給與美國參議員 Ted Cruz 的公開信——來自一群台灣大學生》
致親愛的參議員 Ted Cruz，
首先，若是您收到為數眾多的信件與留言，我們無意造成您的任何不便。我們留言是為了表達我們的感謝，而隻字片語難以表達我們的感受。我們非常感謝您過去為了台灣所做的一切，也感謝您現在與未來即將為我們付出的努力。
再來，時機已然成熟。此時正是完全正確的時刻，一個台灣的蔡總統能被邀請至美國國會發表演說的時刻。如果真的成真，將是我們有史以來最大的榮幸。
因此，我們在此請求您更進一步的協助，請求您號召更多同志或同黨好友去支持這一場具有特別意義與前所未有的演說，請求您舉辦一場記者會，讓信件的內容和我們的聲音能在美國被聽見。2300萬的台灣人民對於您所提供的幫助，將永誌難忘。此外，除了上述所言，我們想要從兩位美國最偉大的總統（川普 + 歐巴馬）那引用幾句話
第一小節引用的話來自川普總統 2019 年國情咨文的演說。
「美國是建立在自由與獨立的基礎上，而不是政府的脅迫、統治或控制。我們生來就是自由的，我們將永保自由。今晚，我們重申我們的決心，美國永遠不會是一個社會主義國家。」
第二小節引用的話來自前任歐巴馬總統 2012 年的勝選演說。
「我們永遠不會忘記當我們說話的時候，許多國家的人民仍然冒著巨大風險，希望能夠找到解決問題的方法，希望能夠爭取投票的權利。」
這兩小節的引用話語說明也提醒了我們，美國和台灣擁有著相同的核心價值，那就是民主、自由與人權。不是嗎?
當我們面對霸凌者（或稱之為反民主力量）的時候，我們會保持自信與勇敢的態度，因為我們知道怯弱只會讓霸凌者更囂張。
現在我們全體台灣人通力合作，勇敢地面對霸凌這個課題。請為我們發聲，請幫助我們守護台灣得來不易的民主與自由。有你與我們同在，我們將更勝霸凌，與來自台灣海峽對岸的仇恨相比，我們將更顯強壯。藉由比以前更加的成長茁壯，這也是唯一的方式讓我們確保，沒有恐懼，沒有侵略，沒有殘酷的戰爭。最後，我們想對每一位正直與勇敢的美國人說，不論您是共和黨支持者，民主黨支持者，抑或是一位獨立選民，我們真誠地相信偉大的情操存在於每一位美國公民的心中。就在此處，世界上最強盛的國家，偉大的定義必然等同於民主、自由與人權。
請發聲支持台灣民主制度下所選出的政府
請確保台灣永遠是一個民主國家
我們想用馬丁．路德．金恩先生的名言為這封信劃下句點，他說，「做對的事，任何時機都是好時機。」
感謝您。上帝保佑您，議員 Ted Cruz。天佑美國。天佑台灣。非常的感謝。
敬祝 順心出筆自一群來自台灣的大學生

留言對象：美國參議員 Ted Cruz
https://www.facebook.com/tedcruzpage/

英文留言複製處：版本一
《An Open Letter to Senator Ted Cruz from A Bunch of College Students in Taiwan》
Dear Sen. Ted Cruz,
First thing first, we don't mean to cause you any inconvenience if you have been flooded with numerous messages and letters. We are writing to express our gratitude, and words are beyond description. We are so grateful for everything that you've done in the past and all the incredible work that you are about to carry out in the present and future.

Second, the time has come. The time is perfectly right for Taiwan's President Tsai to be invited to address the US Congress. If it does happen, it will be our greatest privilege ever.

Therefore, we are hereby seeking further assistance, which you call on more cohorts to support this meaningful and unprecedented speech. And we beg you to hold a press conference to make our voices heard in the US. The 23 million people of Taiwan shall never forget the favors you have done to us.

On top of that, we would like to quote a few lines from the two greatest US Presidents, Donald Trump and Barack Obama.

The first passage is a quote from President Trump's 2019 State of the Union Address, “America was founded on liberty and independence, and not government coercion, domination, and control. We are born free, and we will stay free. Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country.”

The second passage is another quote from Former President Obama's victory speech in 2012, “We can never forget that as we speak people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.”

These two passages serve as a valuable reminder that US and Taiwan share the same core values, democracy, freedom, and human rights, don't they?

When it comes to bullies, aka anti-democratic forces, we'll remain self-confident and brave as we know weakness only invites greater aggression.

Now we Taiwanese are pulling together to face the bullying issue head-on. Please speak up for Taiwan and help us safeguard our hard-earned freedom and democracy. With you by our side, we are stronger than bullying, and we are stronger than hate across from the Taiwan Strait. Being stronger than before, we know this is the only way to be sure that there would be no fears, no aggression, and no more brutal wars.

Finally, we would like to say to all honorable and courageous Americans, no matter you consider yourself a Republican, a Democrat, or an independent, we genuinely believe that greatness lies in every single US citizen. And right here, the greatest nation on earth, greatness by definition is synonymous with democracy, freedom, and human rights.

Please speak up for the democratically-elected government in Taiwan.
Please Make Taiwan Democratic Forever. #MTDF #MTDF #MTDF

Time to conclude this letter with the world-renowned quote, “The time is always right to do what is right.”– Martin Luther King, Jr.

Thank you. God bless you, Sen. Ted Cruz. God bless America. God bless Taiwan(ROC). Thank you so much.
Best Regards,
Written by a bunch of college students in Taiwan

留言對象： 美國各主流媒體（CNN + Fox News）
https://www.facebook.com/cnn/
https://www.facebook.com/FoxNews/

版本二
A repost of 《An Open Letter to Senator Ted Cruz from A Bunch of College Students in Taiwan》

Dear Sen. Ted Cruz,

First thing first, we don't mean to cause you any inconvenience if you have been flooded with numerous messages and letters. We are writing to express our gratitude, and words are beyond description. We are so grateful for everything that you've done in the past and all the incredible work that you are about to carry out in the present and future.

Second, the time has come. The time is perfectly right for Taiwan's President Tsai to be invited to address the US Congress. If it does happen, it will be our greatest privilege ever.

Therefore, we are hereby seeking further assistance, which you call on more cohorts to support this meaningful and unprecedented speech. And we beg you to hold a press conference to make our voices heard in the US. The 23 million people of Taiwan shall never forget the favors you have done to us.

On top of that, we would like to quote a few lines from the two greatest US Presidents, Donald Trump and Barack Obama.

The first passage is a quote from President Trump's 2019 State of the Union Address, “America was founded on liberty and independence, and not government coercion, domination, and control. We are born free, and we will stay free. Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist country.”

The second passage is another quote from Former President Obama's victory speech in 2012, “We can never forget that as we speak people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.”

These two passages serve as a valuable reminder that US and Taiwan share the same core values, democracy, freedom, and human rights, don't they?

When it comes to bullies, aka anti-democratic forces, we'll remain self-confident and brave as we know weakness only invites greater aggression.

Now we Taiwanese are pulling together to face the bullying issue head-on. Please speak up for Taiwan and help us safeguard our hard-earned freedom and democracy. With you by our side, we are stronger than bullying, and we are stronger than hate across from the Taiwan Strait. Being stronger than before, we know this is the only way to be sure that there would be no fears, no aggression, and no more brutal wars.

Finally, we would like to say to all honorable and courageous Americans, no matter you consider yourself a Republican, a Democrat, or an independent, we genuinely believe that greatness lies in every single US citizen. And right here, the greatest nation on earth, greatness by definition is synonymous with democracy, freedom, and human rights.

Please speak up for the democratically-elected government in Taiwan.
Please Make Taiwan Democratic Forever. #MTDF #MTDF #MTDF

Time to conclude this letter with the world-renowned quote, “The time is always right to do what is right.”– Martin Luther King, Jr.

Thank you. God bless you, Sen. Ted Cruz. God bless America. God bless Taiwan(ROC). Thank you so much.

Best Regards,

Written by a bunch of college students in Taiwan

屏東市和平公園建社區活動中心 民團籲綠地、設施不應二擇一
2019-02-22
文/公庫特約記者洪育增
屏東市公所從去（2018）年開始預計在和平公園內的綠地區興建2層樓的社區活動中心，提供周邊華山里及中正里里民使用。社區活動中心規畫佔地約72.6坪、總經費為1700多萬元，主要提供長照2.0等相關服務。這項規畫在去年9月已發包完成，並在11月6日完成動土典禮，由於當地居民意見不同，因此屏東市公所在昨（22）日舉辦說明會，邀請里民到場表達意見。會議過程中贊成與反對雙方意見分歧，市長林恊松在最後總結時表示，由於工程已發包完成，因此必定會執行，將擇日開工。
地方未達共識 行政單位已準備開工
說明會一開始除了由事務所設計建築師說明未來活動中心內部空間以及規劃方向之外，屏東市公所主任秘書李英宗也說明，和平公園為屏東縣政府用地，因此興建活動中心一案也是向縣政府商議後才進行的。目前已成功向衛福部爭取到相關經費，也獲得縣府核准建照，以往也有舉辦過相關的說明會，他表示，本次的說明會並非補正程序，而是由於瞭解到地方上有不同的聲音，希望在工程開工之前能更為廣泛地聽取民意。面對地方上反對於公園內興建活動中心的聲浪，華山里里長謝沅庭更在會議一開始時呼籲：「不能因為少數人的反對，而造成中正里、華山里福利的損失！」
圖：活動中心預定地，已在去年11月進行動土典禮。
會議過程中贊成方與反對方意見相差甚遠，甚至在會後產生些微口角爭執。面對這樣的會議結果，屏東和平公園護綠聯盟〈以下簡稱護綠聯盟〉成員吳淑媛表示，自己是華山里里民，每天都在和平公園運動、散步，非常喜歡和平公園的環境。他指出，護綠聯盟也很希望能夠成立活動中心，增加對於居民的照顧服務，但是不應該透過破壞公園、犧牲綠地的方式達到目的。然而活動中心的選址問題應該由市公所審慎地思考、規劃，但是最後市長林恊松卻以發包為由堅持動工，吳淑媛痛批，市公所與市長根本沒有要解決問題，反而藉此機會造成兩方里民的對立。
資源盤點與意見表達空間不足 居民難以參與討論
護綠聯盟成員鍾昕妤提到，從去年10月開始關注此興建工程，當時由於公園綠地圍上鐵皮，居民打電話詢問華山里里長謝沅庭才得知此消息，截至目前為止在前任代理市長程清水任內開過3次會，後來也與新任市長林恊松開過1次會，居民也曾拜訪過縣政府、議員、里長等，過程中產生許多狀況。
圖：護綠聯盟的成員吳淑媛（左）、鍾昕妤（右）。
他舉例說明，如市公所原先預計在去（2018）年12月12日召開協商會，卻擅自在會議前一天更改日期至14日，並僅以信箱投遞通知單的方式處理，導致護綠聯盟的成員全都撲了空。又或者會議通知單上明列主持人為市長林協松，護綠聯盟也期盼能與林面對面溝通，但林卻在會議當天神隱改由主秘出席。縱使林後來有出席會議，但這一路走來屢次應付市公所的小動作與消極，鍾昕妤直呼：「完全是黑箱作業，沒有人權的狀況！」
護綠聯盟成員魏先生也表示，在和平公園內已有社會福利綜合館、長青學苑等硬體建築，甚至公園對面的和平國小內也仍有閒置空間。他認為市公所應該先盤點附近有哪些硬體設備之後，再進一步考量是否有犧牲綠地興建活動中心的必要。
民間自主民調與追溯法源 市公所未能正面回應
護綠聯盟成員陳品君也提到，護綠聯盟先前曾經進行實體與網路連署調查，累積共有超過500位民眾反對選址於公園綠地內興建活動中心，而其中有8成的連署民眾曾有使用和平公園的經驗，此外具備中正里、華山里里民身分者則有上百位。
陳品君指出，市公所在進行興建規劃時有兩大法律疑慮，首先是關於中央法規屬性的〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉，活動中心的設置屬於該項辦法所管轄的範圍，依據辦法中第3條附表分類「乙、平面多目標使用」中的「公園」項目來看，市公所必須提出整體性計畫，以及保留公園總面積1/2以上的綠覆地，但目前市公所並無法提供相關證明。其次，說明會過程中主任秘書李英宗提到，該項工程符合相關都市計畫規範中建蔽率不超過15%的規定，因此向屏東縣政府都市計劃科申請時也是符合相關規定的。但護綠聯盟質疑，市公所援引的法律來源為地方法規屬性的〈屏東縣公園管理自治條例〉又為何忽略在中央法規〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉中對於設置活動中心的規範。
即便市長林協松在會議尾聲表示將持續進行工程，但護綠聯盟表示將會持續抗爭到底，並呼籲市公所需要更審慎的思考與規劃，而非讓公園與活動中心成為二擇一的問題。
綠地環境，與社區照顧政策一樣重要
主旨：針對「屏東市中正里及華山里社區活動中心新建工程」，屏東和平公園護綠聯盟調查一旦活動中心興建後，公園綠覆率將未達法定標準，且市公所未依都市計畫法子法備有使用計畫向縣府申請核准，嚴重影響民眾使用公園權益。綠盟請求本案「維持綠地，取消工程」，謹請鑒察。

說明：位於屏東縣屏東市區和平公園一角，經屏東縣政府撥用土地、屏東市公所已發包的72.6坪「中正里及華山里社區活動中心」預定興建。社區居民組成「和平公園護綠聯盟」 ，希望維持都市難得的綠地環境；另一方面，市公所則反映本案為地方里長推動社區照護和里民活動之需求。這是一個社區環境的兩難，還是可以達成公部門、社區、環境三贏？

針對本案，綠盟有以下質疑：

（一） 「社區活動中心」規劃，發包前未徵詢社區居民意見
本案自2018年8月3日第1次招標，歷經6次招標決標。建案名為「社區活動中心」，實際上附近居民在本案發包前根本沒有被徵詢、參與過一場規劃說明會。以綠盟住在公園附近的成員而言，直到10月下旬看到鐵皮圍牆豎起，多方詢問下才知道是要興建社區活動中心。
（二） 缺少「活動中心」必要興建的評估數據
縣府與市公所推動社區照護立意良善，但市公所有必要興建的評估數據嗎？宜先盤點現有公園內社會福利館、老人活動中心內的空間、附近社區整合型服務中心等類似功能的公共場所，以及週邊可租用的公私有場地（如學校、宗教場所等），是否已充分使用？真的完全沒有閒置空間能讓居民活動與社區照護使用嗎？非得造價1000多萬，減少戶外寬敞綠地空間蓋一棟水泥建物嗎？

根據2018年12月20日本案協商會議紀錄（附件一），屏東市公所興建活動中心旨意「係配合中央政策全力推行長照2.0及增設關懷據點，落實高齡長者的照護，讓長者可以就近在熟悉的環境中參加社區活動、接受志工服務，享受樂活的生活，保持身心健康，並可增設青少年 K書中心、圖書館，舉辦各類活動，提供當地居民休閒休憩優良環境」。我們從「屏東縣福利地圖」 （https://bit.ly/2GGvoBx）篩選中正里、華山里地理範圍內可能提供租用「社區活動、長照2.0服務」任一功能之開放場所，含有：社會福利館、老人文康活動中心（前兩者皆位於和平公園內）、屏東基督教醫院、屏東市社區整合型服務中心（Ａ級單位）、屏基護理之家、和平國小、台灣基督教信義會屏東教會（目前中正里社區關懷聚點使用場地）、聚樂部，上述並未計入區域內所有宗教場所。
市公所須盤點上述類似場所及公部門現有資源是否已經充分使用。若仍有需求，除了說明必要興建評估數據，也要依法備妥資料向縣府申請使用計畫。
（三） 缺少具備〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉提及「整體性計畫」、「應保留和平公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」的核准條件證明
市公所興建「中正里、華山里社區活動中心」之決策，受〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉第3條之限制，應有「整體性計畫」與「應保留和平公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」，請市公所提出文書資料。
(1) 「中正里、華山里社區活動中心」之設置，屬於行政程序法第92條第2項第2段所規定「有關公物之設定」之對物一般處分。「對物一般處分」為行政處分之一種，又按行政程序法第2條第1項，行政處分屬於行政行為之一種。行政行為，依行政程序法第4條，應受法律及一般法律原則之拘束，市公所為行政機關，其為和平公園內里民活動中心之公物設定，屬對物一般處分，應受「都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法」之限制。
(2) 再按〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉第3條，公共設施用地多目標使用之用地類別、使用項目及准許條件應受附表限制，附表中「乙、平面多目標使用」的公園類別第4點「民眾活動中心」之多目標使用，主管機關之核准條件包括應有「整體性計畫」、「應保留公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」。
(3) 本案缺少「應保留和平公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」之證明
我們採用美國國家森林局開發出的i-Tree Canopy軟體（臺灣農委會林試所亦引入使用）檢驗和平公園的綠覆地（區域內植栽垂直投影於地面之面積均屬之）。數據顯示一旦興建社區活動中心，推估公園內綠覆率介於41.43%至44.87%之間，違反〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉提及「保留和平公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」。
（四） 公所未回應是否依前法第4條，備具申請書及「公共設施用地多目標使用計畫」向縣府申請核准
縱然屏東市公所備有〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉第3條提及「整體性計畫」、「應保留和平公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」核准條件，還需依該法第4條申請書及「公共設施用地多目標使用計畫」向縣府申請核准，迄今綠盟未能獲得相關單位回應。
（五） 屏東縣公園管理自治條例第5條不得作為本工程之合法依據，否則違反行政機關依法行政之原則
屏東市公所稱社區活動中心所適用之《屏東縣公園管理自治條例》第5條第1款第11目為公園「必要的附屬設施」，性質解釋上應與同款第1目至第10目之性質有類似性，即設施係指「開放於公眾使用，且是與公園的功能有關聯性，使公園功能更完善」的設施，而社區活動中心只針對兩里特定區域的居民，而且社區活動中心與公園開放給公眾活動的功能沒有關聯性，非屬第5條必要之附屬設施，市公所不得以本條作為里民活動中心之興建依據。
（六） 屏東市公所主張其興建行為得排除〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉之適用，其法律見解顯然錯誤
按〈屏東縣公園管理自治條例〉第5條，公園內得視規模性質及環境需要設置必要之附屬設施。縱如市公所主張，興建活動中心為本條「必要之附屬設施」，惟本條僅謂公園內「得設置」，並未規定設置必要之附屬設施前應行之程序，該應行之程序，係規定於上開〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉第3條之附表，即應有「整體性計畫」、「應保留公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」。
市公所認為，〈屏東縣公園自治管理條例〉第5條已授與其興建活動中心之權限，因此本件興建行為得排除都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法之適用，進而忽視上開〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉之規定，逕以〈屏東縣公園管理自治條例〉第5條作為本工程之法依據，其法律見解不僅逸脫上開法條文義，亦違反〈都市計畫法〉、〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉、〈屏東縣公園管理自治條例〉之立法意旨，顯然錯誤。
（七） 未評估綠地破壞即興建「中正里、華山里社區活動中心」，違反比例原則
按〈行政程序法〉第7條，行政行為應遵循比例原則為之，其中，行政行為採取之方法所造成之損害不得與欲達成目的之利益顯失均衡。興建里民活動中心造成之損害為公園綠地、植披之破壞，而其欲達成之目的為增加里民於活動中心活動的空間。若為增加里民活動的空間，宜先檢討現有的社會福利綜合館、老人活動中心內空間，以及週邊的公私有設施（如學校、宗教場所等），是否已充分使用？是否目前已不敷使用，才須另興建活動中心？如上述問題均未經評估即動工，則興建里民中心所欲達成之目的，以及其所造成綠地被破壞之結果，兩者相較顯失均衡。
依上述6點質疑，我們有以下訴求：維持和平公園綠地，屏東市公所應立即取消「屏東市中正里及華山里社區活動中心新建工程」。
（一） 請屏東市公所提出必要興建的評估數據
市公所與兩里里長應盤點周遭社福資源與設備，結合社區需求規劃地方照護服務，提供財務、人力等援助。若仍有興建活動中心之需求，請市公所出示必要興建的評估數據。
（二） 依都市計畫法子法規定，市公所應提出興建整體計畫向縣府申請核准
呈前述，即便市公所具備合理、合法的必要興建評估數據，也應該遵循〈都市計畫公共設施用地多目標使用辦法〉第3條應提出興建活動中心的「整體性計畫」與「保留和平公園總面積1/2以上之綠覆地」的核准條件證明，並依該法第4條，備具申請書及「公共設施用地多目標使用計畫」向屏東縣政府申請核准後才能動工。

屏東和平公園護綠聯盟聯繫人：陳品君 0928-352858
聯盟網站：https://sites.google.com/view/pchpga


附件一