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Hong Kong Independence?
…all you need to know about recent Hong Kong in 15 minutes
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↓↓Transcript (as requested)↓↓

我們之前提及香港與中國有截然不同的制度
So previously we talked about Hong Kong and China having vastly a different system
香港是一個仿民主社會，而中國即由中國共產黨統治
Hong Kong is a quasi-democratic society while China is dominated by the Chinese Communist Party
所以我們不希望人們混淆兩者
…so we don’t want people to get confused between the two
但故事還未講完
But the story doesn’t end here
明年是2017年，香港主權移交給中國的20週年
Next year 2017, it would be 20 years since Hong Kong’s turnover to China
你大概會以為這段時間香港和中國會越走越近
You would’ve thought that during this time, Hong Kong and China would’ve grown closer to one another
但事實卻非如此
But it has not been so.
香港人和中國人反而變得越來越有隔膜
If anything, we’ve grown to be more and more apart.
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沒錯 在過去20年
Yes it is true that during the last two decades
中國從一個發展中國家 發展成現時最大經濟體系之一
China has gone from being a developing country to what is now one of the largest, if not the largest economy in the world
人民收入增加 生活質素提升 有些中國人也躋身全球富豪榜
…which means rising income for Chinese citizens, better quality of life and China has some of the richest people in the world
香港人應該為中國人身份感到自豪吧
If anything, Hong Kong people should be a proud China man!
我還記得2008北京奧運 那個開幕典禮實在是精妙絕倫
I still remember seeing the Beijing Olympics in 2008; that opening ceremony was outrageously amazing
花了很多心機 很好看
…it was beautifully done and such a joy to watch
那是香港人少有地為國家感到自豪的一刻
It was one of those rare moments where Hong Kong people share the same sense of pride as the rest of China
不過 現實歸現實
But the Olympics is one thing, and reality is another
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事實上，自主權移交以來，香港和中國一直有許多矛盾和衝突
The truth is there have been a lot of conflicts between Hong Kong and China since the handover
香港向中國打開了大門，每天都有大量中國遊客到訪
Hong Kong has largely opened up to China where we get a huge number of Chinese tourists every day
旅客本身不應該是個問題，但我們目睹過不少中國旅客的不文明行為
並不是問題。重點在於中國遊客所製造出來的問題。
While tourism shouldn’t be a problem in itself, we have witnessed a lot of issues with these Chinese tourists
例如不懂得在迪士尼樂園排隊 和隨地小便
There had been reports of uncivilized behavior such as not knowing how to queue in Disneyland and… pissing on the street.
我必須強調 不是所有中國遊客都會這樣做 只有一部份會這樣做
And I can’t emphasize enough, not every Chinese tourists do it, it’s just some that does it
但由於香港每天都有大量的中國遊客 這成為了一個逼切的問題
…but because Hong Kong gets so many of them, that becomes a daily problem for people living in Hong Kong.
除此之外，我們可以看到名牌店和藥房的數量激增，以滿足中國遊客的需求
And it’s not just that, we see the rise in luxury shops and pharmacies in Hong Kong to tailor the need of Chinese tourists
如果你去上水（很接近中國邊境的地方）的街頭
If you go to a street in Sheung Shui, which is a place very close to the mainland border
我以前常常去的──你會看見到處都是藥房
I used to go there a lot - you see streets full of pharmacies
其實我完全不明白為何這些店舖會叫做藥房
…and I don’t even know why they are called pharmacies
因為他們主要不是售賣藥物，而是奶粉和尿片
…because mainly they don’t sell medicine, they sell baby milk formula and diapers.
事實上 大陸人不相信中國製的貨品
The thing is, mainland Chinese don’t trust their own stuff
因為在中國任何東西都有可能是假的 那裡沒有質量管制或食物安全
…because you can get fake everything in China; there’s no quality control or food safety
所以很多中國人都會來香港買日用品 如奶粉
So many Chinese come to Hong Kong to buy daily stuff and one product that has always been in high demand is baby milk formulas
香港部份地區甚至出現奶粉短缺的問題
It has got to a point where the supply became so tight that there is a shortage of milk formulas in some areas of Hong Kong
如果你住在歐洲或美國，這情況可能難以置信
If you are living in the Europe or the US, this might sound really hard to believe
嬰兒配方奶粉和尿片！但這是真的，這切切實實在香港發生
Milk formula and diapers, but it’s true, it is what’s happening in Hong Kong.
還有其他問題，例如中國孕婦來港產子等
I can go on about other stuff as well such as the number of Mainland pregnant women who come to Hong Kong
事實上，在2010年，37%新生嬰兒的父母均不是香港永久居民
In fact, in 2010, as much as 37% of all babies born in Hong Kong have neither parents being a permanent Hong Kong resident
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基於這些中港矛盾的問題 香港出現越來越嚴重的反中情緒
Basically because of all these things, this has led to an increasingly serious anti-Chinese hype in Hong Kong
很多香港人都不歡迎中國人 只想他們離開
Many local people are furious and just want them to go away
但對我來說 問題永遠出於制度
But to me, the real problem always lies in the system
我不想將整件事歸疚於中國人身上
Conceptually, I hate to put my frustration upon the Chinese people
因為要來港購物以保障自身安全並不是他們的錯
Because it’s not their fault that they have to buy things from Hong Kong to ensure that they are safe
但制度上出了甚麼問題？
But what about the system?
關於這個制度我簡述如下
There’s a lot I can say about this system, but for now I will just simplify it as follows
在制度頂端有中國共產黨，之後有香港政府和立法會中的建制派
At the top of the system we have the Chinese Communist Party, then we have the Hong Kong government and the pro-establishment camp in our Legislative council
簡單來說，這個制度一直想將香港變成中國的一個普通城市
In short, this system has been trying to turn Hong Kong into just another city of China
並且破壞一國兩制的原則
…and damaging the core principle of “One Country, Two Systems”
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很長時間以來，香港人一直在爭取民主
For a long time, Hong Kong people have been advocating for full democracy
即是普選，可以提名和投票給我們自己的領袖（行政長官）
That means universal suffrage with the right to nominate and elect our own leader, which in Hong Kong is called the Chief Executive
根據基本法，我們有普選的權利
According to the Basic Law, we have a legal right to universal suffrage.
在過去20年，中國政府曾多次承諾香港人會有普選
In the past 20 years, the Chinese government has assured Hong Kong several times that we are going to get universal suffrage
但他們一直拖延實施普選的日期
But they have been pushing back the date for it
又推托說香港人未準備好，所以2007年和2012年都沒有普選。
…and kept saying Hong Kong wasn’t ready, so we didn’t get it in 2007 and 2012
但北京承諾香港2017年可普選特首
But the Chinese has set a timeline for it, and they said Hong Kong would eventually get universal suffrage by 2017
結果，2014年8月31日，北京說
And guess what, on 31st August 2014, the Chinese said
好，你可以有你想要的普選，但我們需要增加幾個條件
Alright you are going to get your universal suffrage, but we are going to have to impose some conditions
首先，行政長官必需愛國
First the Chief Executive must be someone who is patriotic to China
第二，候選人需要先得到現有的行政長官選舉委員會的提名 (絕大部分都是親中代表)
Secondly candidates are going to be nominated by the current Election Committee, which consists (mostly) of 1200 pro-Beijing representatives
最後，無論誰勝出選舉，都要得到中國政府委任才可成為行政長官
Lastly, whoever wins the popular election must be appointed by the Chinese government
所以他們就是說，好，你們可以普選，但我們保留剔除任何人的權利
So basically they are saying, alright you can get your vote but we reserve the right to screen out anyone that we dislike
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北京公布831決定後，香港人當然很憤怒
After this was announced by the Chinese officials, we were bloody furious
所以我們展開了一連串抗議行動，要求真普選
So we began a series of protests demanding for “true universal suffrage”
我們一直以來都覺得普選就是
For years we have always thought universal suffrage means just that
一個民主及公開的選舉
The right to vote in a democratic and open election
但是中共卻憑空製造了完全相反的東西
But the CCP managed to create something that is completely contrary to that
結果，大學生開始罷課
As a result, university students like myself began boycotting classes
並參與在金鐘香港政府總部外舉行的集會
…and attended gathering outside the Hong Kong government headquarters in Admiralty to protest
這演變成持續79天的佔領金鐘、銅鑼灣和旺角的運動
This has then turned into a 79-days long widespread occupy movement in streets of Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mongkok
期間警察使用催淚彈和胡椒噴霧來驅散我們，我們即用雨傘作盾
During this time, police has used tear gas and pepper spray to try to get rid of us and we used umbrellas as shield
解釋了為什麼這叫雨傘運動或雨傘革命
That’s why this is called the Umbrella Movement or Umbrella Revolution
我個人不喜歡稱之為革命，因為革命通常與激進的改變有關
Personally I don’t like to call it a revolution, because revolution is often associated with some sort of radical change
但對於我們來說，79天佔領街頭後，仍毫無成果
But for us, after 79-days of occupying the streets, nothing has changed.
到今天為止，一切維持原狀──沒有行政長官普選
So to this day, the status quo remains – there is no universal suffrage for our Chief Executive election
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但是為何我們這麼想要普選？
But why do we want universal suffrage so much?
你要明白，我們的制度一直都有缺陷
Well you have to understand that our governmental system has always been institutionally flawed
一般當我們提到三權分立時，有行政、立法和司法三個機關
Usually when we talk about the Separation of Powers, we have the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary
這三個機關本應互相制衡，沒有人能夠掌控一切的權力
They are meant to act as checks and balances of each other so no one gets too much power
因為正如英國的阿克頓男爵所言：
…because as Lord Acton famously said,
「權力導致腐敗，絕對權力導致絕對腐敗。」
“Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
我們不但行政長官是經由1200人的小圈子挑選 當中大部份為親中人士
Not only is our leader of the executive selected by a small-group of 1,200 voters – the majority of whom are pro-Beijing
我們連立法會也不能全部直選
We also don’t get to vote entirely for our Legislative Council
事實上，我們只能直選立法會的一半議員
In fact, only half of our legislators get directly elected by us
另外一半是由所謂的功能組別選出
The other half are elected through the so-called Functional Constituencies
香港一共有28個功能組別
There are 28 different functional constituencies, representing different seats in our Legislative council
原意是為了讓香港不同的界別和工種都能對政府政策有話語權
Originally this meant to provide different professions across Hong Kong to have a say in government politics
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但這個制度本質上存在缺陷
But there’s a huge problem – this system is fundamentally flawed
最為人爭議的是，這制度容許公司和專業團體登記為選民
Most controversially, it allows companies and professional bodies to register as voters
製造了一個漏洞讓大公司同時間可持有多張選票
So this creates a loophole where big business can hold multiple votes at the same time
以飲食業為例，大公司可以登記每間分店為一個選民
Consider the catering constituency, big restaurant companies can register each of their outlets as voters
像大家樂這種大型的連鎖餐廳
So big food chain like Café De Carol
不，這不是一間法國菜餐廳，這是港式快餐店
Nope, it is not a French restaurant – it’s a fast food Chinese restaurant
這些大公司可以登記上一百張選票
Something like that can register up to a hundred votes if they like
另外，不同功能組別之間也有很大差異
Also there is a huge discrepancy between different functional constituencies
例如，在衛生服務界，有37,000個登記選民，但在保險界卻只有130個
For example, in the Health Services sector, there are 37,000 registered voters, whereas in Insurance, there are only 130 registered voters
這個差異根本不合邏輯 為甚麼有些行業會得到更廣泛的代表？
There is really no logical explanation for it – why are some industry represented more fairly while others are not
事實上，近半功能組別都是自動當選的，大部份的席位都由建制派瓜分
In fact, almost half of the functional constituencies are uncontested and most of the seats are dominated by the pro-establishment camp.
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這有甚麼實際意義？
But what is the actual significance?
當立法會議員自行提出草案和議案時，我們有所謂的分組點票
You see, when individual legislators propose bills and motions, we have a split-voting system
意思是，在草案通過之前，
…meaning that to be able to pass the bill
需要得到地區直選和功能組別兩方面均過半數支持
It requires a majority vote in both the geographical constituency – those directly elected by us – and the functional constituency
所以就算一個草案得到總共過半數的支持
So we can have a bill that is supported by the majority of the legislators
但仍會因為在功能組別方面未過半數而流產
But fails nonetheless because it did not pass the functional constituency
理論上，只要控制了功能組別的半數就可以否決任何議員草案或議案
So in effect, you only need half of the votes within the Functional Constituency to reject all bills and motions put forward by individual legislators.
但政府提出的卻不一樣，
But the same does not apply to government bills
只需要取得過半數的支持就可以了
For government bills, you only need to get a majority from all the legislators as a whole
所以有時候會有一些政府議案原本被大部分直選議員反對
So sometimes we have bills that are opposed by the majority of those legislators directly elected by us
但基於功能界別大部份贊成而通過
…but nonetheless get through because of the functional constituency
這個制度的問題在於政府和大商家會有勾結的誘因
The major problem of this is that it creates an incentive for the Government and big business players to side with each other
一方面，有功能組別的支持，政府可以否決所有由議員提出的議案
On one hand with the help of functional constituency, the Government has an effective veto over all motions in the Legislative council
另一方面，商界自己也可以否決不符合他們商業利益的議案，如最低工資和標準工時
…while on the other hand businesses can reject motions that are contrary to their interests such as minimum wage and standard working hours
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因此，行政機關在立法方面有很大的控制權
Because of this, the executive has a lot of control over our Legislative Council
他們很多時候也會做很多與市民意願相反的決定
And they often make decisions that are contrary to public opinions
由於選舉制度上的缺陷，我們也不能有效地向行政機關問責
And because of the fundamental flaws in our electoral systems, there is no way we could hold our executive accountable in any shape or form
你也必須明白 香港政府和和中國政府之間的關係
Conceptually you also have to understand the relationship between our executive and the Chinese government
你也許會認為，在一國兩制原則下，香港政府和中國政府是分開的
It’s easy to say, well the Hong Kong government is separate from the Chinese government because of the principle of one country two systems
我們可以實行自己的政策，這不是中國政府的問題，而是香港政府本身的問題
And we can implement our own policies so it’s not the fault of the Chinese government but of our own government
也許是吧，但我們的選舉制度確保香港行政長官是忠於北京的
That is partly true, but remember we have a system as such where our Chief Executive is guaranteed to be pro-Beijing
因此香港政府和中國政府密不可分
That’s why it has an incentive to side with the Chinese government
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以現任行政長官梁振英為例 他自上任以來都在替北京擦鞋
For example, our current Chief Executive, CY Leung, he has been keen to please Beijing wherever possible
他重視中國的利益多於香港的利益
There are lots of policies where he appeared to have put Mainland’s interest above Hong Kong’s interest
如2012年，政府打算推行強制國民教育
For example, in 2012, the government tried to introduce mandatory National Education classes
想加強學生的國家認同感
…so that students can strengthen their national identity about China
但這被大眾反對，因為很多人都擔心這是偏向共產黨的洗腦教育
This was met with huge public protests as many fear that it would simply be a brainwashing curriculum biased towards the Chinese Communist Party
其他情況還包括否決香港電視的牌照申請，梁振英的5,000萬元賄款醜聞等等
There are also other instances such as the rejection of HKTV, CY Leung’s $50 million corrupt scandal – etc
我們極不滿意現在的政府
Basically, we are extremely unsatisfied with our current Government
制度本身容許我們的政府恣意妄為
The system itself allows for our government to potentially be arbitrary and self-serving
而我們沒有有效的方法向政府問責
And there’s no way we could hold our government accountable in any shape or forms
這就是我們想要普選的原因：我們想選擇自己的領袖
That’s why we want universal suffrage so much – so that we can choose our own leader
當然，這不會在一夕間解決所有問題，但會是一個通往更民主和平的制度的開端。
Yes it won’t solve everything but it will be a start to a more democratic and fair system
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雨傘運動是前所未有的
The Umbrella Movement was a first of its kind
雨傘運動一開始十分和平
It started off extremely peacefully
強調非暴力、理性、愛與和平等等
With an emphasis on being non-violent, rational, love and peace and all that
但隨着時間經過，梁振英政府拒絕回應
But as it went on, the CY Leung’s government managed to remain unresponsive
過了兩個月，人們都不知道要怎麼辦
Two months into occupying the streets, people simply didn’t know what to do
而示威者和警察之間的關係則每況愈下
And the relationship between the protesters and the police got worse by days
有警察使用暴力對待示威者
There was alleged police violence
其中有七個警察將一個示威者拖到暗角施暴
Seven police officers took a protester to a dark corner and beat him up
無可避免地，雨傘運動最終演變成示威者和警察之間暴力的衝突──市民被打、被捕
Inevitably the movement turned into something more violent with protesters clashing with the police – people were beaten up and arrested.
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自雨傘運動以來，社會處於嚴重撕裂的狀態
Since the Umbrella Movement, the society has been hugely divided
市民對警察的信任度跌至新低
Police confidence has gone to an all-time low
一方面，我們發現和平的示威遊行再沒有用
On one hand, we realize peaceful protest no longer does a damn thing,
另一方面，人們正在尋找抗衡警力的方法──亦即採取更激進的行動
…while on the other hand, people are finding ways to counter police force – essentially resorting to more radical actions
這也引致部份市民在意識形態上與傳統泛民主派分道揚鑣
It also led to an ideological separation within the pro-democracy camp
香港的傳統泛民主派視建設民主中國為己任
Traditionally pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong felt it was their duty to build a democratic China
他們其實比任何人都更愛中國
If anything they are more patriotic to China than anyone
他們是對六四天安門事件最大感觸的人
They are the people who felt most strongly about stuff like Tiananmen Square
但在過去20年，香港民主沒有寸進，也看不到中國民主化的希望
But for the last 20 years, democracy has not been advanced for Hong Kong nor does it look likely for China
所以有人開始說
That’s why new advocates are saying,
建設民主中國是不切實際的
Well there’s no real possibility of so-called building a democratic China
我們要先自救
We need to start rescuing ourselves first
因此本土和香港獨立的概念開始萌芽，因為人們對一國兩制開始失去信心
So, there emerges the idea of localism and Hong Kong independence because people are simply losing faith in the so-called One Country Two Systems.
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這些社會不穩和躁動最終導致今年初在旺角發生的事件
All this social unrest has led to what happened earlier this year in Mongkok
那是農曆正月初一
It was the first day into Chinese Lunar New Year;
街上有小販在賣熟食
There were some street hawkers selling street food
這些小販雖是無牌經營，但他們一向都在農曆新年頭幾天擺賣，賺幾個快錢
They are unlicensed but that’s what they have always done in the first few days of Chinese New Year, just trying to make a few extra bucks
這就像香港的小傳統
It’s like a little local tradition in Hong Kong.
但今年警察突然執法，引發示威者與警察之間的衝突
But somehow this time the police decided to confront them – which has led to protesters confronting the police
突然間，小販擺賣演變成騷動，或暴亂，視乎你怎麼看
Suddenly it has turned into a huge unrest, or riot, depending which side you are on
街上有雜物起火，市民撿起磚和樽扔向警察
There were fire on the street, people picking up bricks and bottles throwing at the police
警察向天開了兩槍以鎮壓人群
Two shots were fired in the air for crowd control
這是香港二十年來都未見過的暴力
It was violence on a scale that has never been seen in Hong Kong for the last 20 years
的確 暴力的程度與本身的小販問題根本完全不相稱
In no way was the violence proportional to the whole street food and street hawker issue
但你必須明白背後的原因
But you have to be able to understand it in the light of the whole circumstances
那種自雨傘運動以來積累的憤怒和不滿
The sort of anger that has been accumulated since the Umbrella Movement
社會民怨達臨界點
Social unrest is now at its highest point
---
雨傘運動後，各種事情由壞變更壞，北京加重了對香港的控制
Things have gotten from bad to worse for Hong Kong since the Umbrella Movement. Beijing has tighten up control of Hong Kong
我們曾經享有的自由受到嚴峻挑戰
Our once enjoyed freedom has been put to some serious doubt
去年，五個在香港出售中國敏感話題的書籍的書商消失了
Five Hong Kong booksellers who sell sensitive stuff about the Chinese Communist Party went missing last year
他們沒有任何出境記錄，憑空消失了
There were no record of them going out of Hong Kong, and they just disappeared
有好一段時間，沒有人知道他們到哪裡去了，然後……
For a while no-one really knows where they went, and then…
好像魔法一樣，他們出現在中國的電視台，承認他們所謂的罪行
Like magic, there they are in Mainland China appearing on TV, confessing their guilt
其他事情還包括廉政公署（香港引以為傲的反貪污機構）大地震
Other stuff such as the ICAC, an anti-corruption body that we have always been proud of, has also been involved in some major shake-ups
更近期的有立法會選舉有六位候選人被取消資格
More recently, six candidates have been disqualified from running the Legislative Council election
他們被取消資格的原因是因為他們提倡香港獨立
They have been disqualified because they advocate for Hong Kong Independence
沒有法例授權行政機關以政治原因篩選候選人
There is nothing in the law that allows the administrative to screen out candidates running for the legislative council for political reason
這根本違反言論自由
That’s just simply grossly against freedom of speech
---
還記得四年前，港獨根本無人提及
And remember, four years ago, Hong Kong independence was not even an idea to start with
現在卻成長為一個熱議的社會話題，越來越多人支持香港獨立
Now it has turned into a whole serious social movement – more and more people are turning to Hong Kong independence
背後的原因？
And the reason behind that?
不久之前有一個網上比賽，讓人用六個字寫悲慘故事。有人寫：
A while back there was a post asking people to write sad stories in six words, and someone wrote this:
「一國，兩制，笑話。」
“One Country, Two Systems, Just kidding.”
這就是香港的現況
And that pretty much sums it up for Hong Kong.
主權移交時，曾經有人承諾我們會有
When Hong Kong got handed back over to China, we were guaranteed of all these things:
言論自由、新聞自由和法治
...the freedom of speech, the freedom of press and the rule of law
但這些都一直被破壞
But these things have been undermined hugely
北京的訊息很清晰：
The message from China is clear:
你想要高度自治嗎？
You want your high degree of autonomy and you want to feel special right?
可是你只能在我容許的限度裡享有自由
But you are only as free as we allow you to be
這些自由是我給你們的，我現在要取回你也不能作聲
We gave you that stuff so shut up if we want to take them back. Period.
但事實上中國沒有給予我們自由
But the truth is China didn’t give us freedom of speech\
我們的人權都不是中國給予的
You didn’t give us any of our fundamental rights. Period.
---
我的理解？
The way I understand it?
香港獨立是被動而不是主動的
Well Hong Kong independence is reactive rather than proactive
這是對中國收緊香港的控制所走的一步
It’s a response to the Chinese government for increasingly tightening up control of Hong Kong
我們已經對一國兩制完全失去信心
We’ve completely lost faith in One Country Two systems
所以我們要求更多自主
As a counteractive response we are demanding for more autonomy
我們想要把握自己的命運
We want to be able to grasp hold of our own fate
所以這就是香港的現狀
So this is where things are right now in Hong Kong
這是一個死結
It’s in a complete deadlock
我們只能二擇其一：接受一國一制或更激進地抗爭
We either accept for one country one system or we have to fight in a more radical manner
---
星期日是下屆立法會的選舉投票日，是雨傘運動以來的第一次選舉
On Sunday, it will be our next Legislative Council election – the first since the Umbrella Movement
天知道會發生甚麼事
God knows what’s going to happen
我希望你能去投票，好好考慮要投給誰
But I do urge you to vote, and to think about your vote
Because in a perfect world
你試想，在完美的世界裡
當立法會可以處理大多數事情的話，市民便不需要走上街頭暴力抗爭
…if things can get done in the Legislative Council, then people wouldn’t need to take to the street and to resort to any kind of violence
我們極需立法會抗衡行政機關的權力，而你的一票有莫大的幫助
We desperately need a balance of power right now – and your vote can contribute to that
我們需要議會內有更大的聲音──我們需要更多人去尋找不同的可能
We need more voice in our Legislative council – we need people to look for different possibility
呼。就是這樣。
Phew, so that’s it.
無論你來自香港或香港以外的地方
Whether you are from Hong Kong, or from outside of Hong Kong,
這段和上一段影片都對我以及很多香港人來說很重要。
This video and the last video is important to me, and to a lot of people in Hong Kong
霎時之間這可能難以消化
This is probably a lot to take in if you’re new to this, but don’t just take my words for it
但請繼續留意新聞，和其他人一起討論，做更多的資料搜集，這些東西都可在網上找到
Keep reading the news; keep talking to people about it; go research about this, it’s all over the internet
最後，謝謝收看
And lastly, thanks for watching.
天祐香港

【專題訪問 Interview Feature】2019年度香港大學學生會周年大選中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲訪問（外務篇） | Interview with Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union of Annual Election 2019 (External Affairs)

(Please scroll down for English version.)

中央幹事會候選內閣蒼傲就外務議題接受本台訪問，就不同外務議題立場，包括不反對政府取締民族黨的原因、相信政府DQ議員合法的理據、初一事件有黑幫介入的看法、及對法律制度有信心的理由等發表意見。

訪問節錄如下：

1. 你們的政治光譜/政治立場是甚麼？
我們認為用現有的名詞並不能表達我們莊的政治立場，因為例如本土、港獨等，第一他們並沒有清晰的界定，或是社會一致的定義，我們都認為不論是政治光譜或是政治立場我們作為香港人或是香港接受教育的人，其實我們的立場都會傾向由香港出發。但由香港出發去考慮香港利益時，我們都要考慮時間軸。時間軸的意思是，我們到底在考慮短期還是長期的利益。加上香港的地理位置、經濟結構其實都十分依賴世界上大部份的國家，不論金融、出口產業，所以在考慮香港利益同時，我們都應考慮鄰近國家的政策、議案的推出。所以如果要用幾個字去形容我們的政治立場，我們會選擇「國際視野，本土出發」八個字。前者是考想利益的角度,後者是執行的角度。

2. 你們是否支持香港獨立？
首先我們認為它可以被自由地討論，特別是在大學之內。至於是否贊成香港獨立方面，港獨並非香港現時可執行最好的決策，因為尚有很多的選擇可加以考慮及討論。另外我認為香港內部的問題都非常嚴峻，例如我們在政綱小册子上提到的外務議題，如學生自殺、高樓價、創新科技嚴重落後等問題。這些都是我們內部必須解決和面對的問題，所以我們會將那些內部問題列為最優先需要處理的問題。

3. 你們覺得香港獨立是否合法？
我們認為任何符合法例的討論都是可被接受的，所以我們認為只要某個人或團體在現時完善的法律制度下，加上沒有違反法律，就應可就不同議題提出想法。

4. 你們是否同意香港政府取締香港民族黨？
首先我們相信香港的法治仍然相當完善，所以就香港一套完整司法制度體系下做出的判決，我們並沒有太多質疑或反對。對於民族黨被政府取締或禁止，社會上有不同聲音，但我們相信我們應遵守絕大部分香港市民都認同是完善的法律體系下作出的任何決策。

5. 你們是否同意香港政府DQ議員？
其實我們由始至終都相信，而坊間一些調查機構都指出香港的法治制度在世界上都名列前茅，所以我們相信這套法治制度可以帶來公平的審訊，所以對於有部分議員被DQ，我們願意相信整個判決過程是公平的，並且有足夠理據去支持政府所作的判決，所以我們對這件事沒有任何特別意見。

6. 你們是否支持人大釋法？
每一個法律的訂立，其實都是由一小部分的精英去開始建構框架，然後隨社會的進步不斷完善。所以法律並非一本已經印刷好的書，而是容許我們不斷修改、去完善，就一些前人的不足作補完。人大釋法亦都如是，我相信重點是我們希望這法列在微調後能得到愈來愈多香港人的支持，這才是一個成功的新詮釋。

7. 你們是否同意一國兩制？
我們支持所有在香港回歸時所簽訂的條文，其中當然包括一國兩制。

8. 你們是否支持國歌法和23條立法？
因為爭議聲非常之多，所以我們不希望對任何未實施或未明文規定的法例作出過多評論。這是對該法案有所偏頗，該法案到最後還有很多相議的空間，所以我們認為政府應充分考慮各種聲音，從而推出一條為大部分港人所接受的法例。

9. 你們對違法達義有何看法？
香港作為擁有完善法律的城市，任何人都有表達訴求或是行動的權利。我們主張每人都有自由去決定自己的事、想表達的聲音，但每人都應為這些行為勇敢承擔相認的法律責任。當然我們更相信這套法律體系是完善和公平的。

10. 你們對初一事件有何看法？
對旺角騷動，很多報紙傳媒都報道了有不法份子甚至黑社會的介入，所以旺角騷動的那一批示威者是否單純為表達而表達的市民呢？

11. 你們是否同意政府以暴動罪控告參與者？
就對這幾名人士進行拘捕的行為，我們希望香港政府有真憑實據去支持，以及整個審訊過程認該要公平。我希望他們得到公平的審訊。

Campus TV has interviewed with Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union, Session 2019, with regards to their treatment of external affairs. Prism has expressed their stance and opinions on various external issues, which include: their not opposing the Hong Kong government’s banning of the Hong Kong National Party, believing in the government’s legitimacy for the disqualification of legislators, believing in the involvement of gangs in the Mong Kok Incident of 2016, and expressing their confidence in the current legal system.

The interview excerpts are as follows:

1. Where do you stand on the political spectrum? / How would you define your political stance?
We believe the current word items are unable to express our Cabinet’s political stance. For example, if you consider the term localism or Hong Kong independence, these groups have not a clear boundary or universal definition given by the society. Whether it be the political spectrum or political stance, us who are Hong Kong-ers or who have been educated in Hong Kong, have a tendency to think from the standpoint of Hong Kong. If we consider the benefits from the standpoint of Hong Kong, we also need to consider the timeline. This (the timeline) means, that we should consider if these benefits are of short term or long term. Therefore, when considering Hong Kong’s benefits, we should also consider the policies and bills of neighbouring countries. Therefore, if we had to define our political stance in terms, it would be “international perspective that comes from a local standpoint”. The former is a consideration to the benefits, the latter is a consideration to the execution.

2. Do you support Hong Kong independence?
Firstly, we think this matter could be discussed freely, especially within the premises of the University. In terms of agreeing with Hong Kong independence, we think that Hong Kong independence is currently not the best option to be executed in Hong Kong, because there are still many other options to consider and discuss about. In addition, I think that Hong Kong’s internal affairs are very severe, like the external affairs that are mentioned in our campaign booklet, for example, students’ suicides, rising property prices, the severely outdated innovation and technology. These are problems that our internal department has to confront and resolve, therefore we put these internal affairs as our priority.

3. Do you think that Hong Kong independence is legal?
We believe any discussion that is in compliance with the law is acceptable. Therefore, we think that under the current, comprehensive legal system, with no breaching of the law, a person or group should be allowed to speak their thoughts on different issues.

4. Do you agree with Hong Kong government’s banning of the Hong Kong National Party?
Firstly, we believe that Hong Kong’s rule of law is still quite comprehensive. Therefore, we do not have much hesitation nor opposition for a judgment that is based on what we consider to be an intact judicial system of Hong Kong. In terms of the banning of the Hong Kong National Party, the society has different voices, but we believe we ought to obey the judgment that comes from what the majority of Hong Kong considers to be a comprehensive legal system.

5. Do you agree with Hong Kong government’s disqualification of legislators?
Actually, we have since the very beginning believed in Hong Kong’s rule of law as quite a frontrunner in the world; this has been backed by some survey organisations within the community too, so we believe that this rule of law can bring out a fair trial. Therefore, in regards to the disqualification of some legislators, we willingly believe that the entirety of the judgment process has been fair, with sufficient arguments to back up the government’s verdict. We do not express any special opinions towards this incident.

6. Do you support the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress’ Interpretation of the Basic Law (SCNPC's Interpretation of BL, or Interpretation of the Basic Law by the SCNPC)?
For the enactment of every legislation, it starts from a small portion of elites that begin to build its (the legislation’s) framework, it then continues to be improved as society grows. For this reason, the law is not a printed book, it allows us to continually amend, better, and complete items that are left neglected or faulted by predecessors. This applies for the SCNPC's Interpretation of BL, I believe the most important thing is, we hope to gain more Hong Kong-ers’ support under these fine-tunings (by the SCNPC's Interpretation of BL), we think this is what counts as a successful re-interpretation of the law.

7. Do you agree with the constitutional principle of “one country, two systems”?
We support all the terms that were signed in the Handover of Hong Kong, and this definitely includes the principle of “one country, two systems”.

8. Do you support the National Anthem Bill and the enactment of Article 23?
Due to the many controversies on this matter, we do not wish to comment on any legislation that has yet to be implemented or stipulated in explicit terms. This would be a prejudice on the said bill(s). These bills still have a lot of room for negotiation, so we believe the government should consider different voices, so as to introduce a legislation that is accepted by the majority of Hong Kong-ers.

9. What are your views on the idea of achieving justice by violating the law?
Hong Kong is a city with a comprehensive legal system; anyone has the right to express their own appeal or action. We advocate that everyone has the freedom to decide for their own deeds and express their own thoughts, but everyone should also be responsible to bear the consequences of their actions. Needless to say, we definitely believe that our legal system is perfect and fair.

10. What are your views on the Mong Kok Incident in 2016?
With regards to the Mong Kok unrest, many media sources have reported about the involvement of many illegal parties, and even that of gangs or triads. So, are the demonstrators in the Mong Kok unrest really with pure intentions to speak up, for the sake of expressing themselves as Hong Kong citizens?

11. Do you agree with the government’s decision to charge participants (of the Mong Kok Incident in 2016) with the offence of rioting?
With regards to the arrest of those participants, we hope that the Hong Kong government has had solid evidence to support (their arrest), and that the trial process has been fair. I hope they receive a fair trial.
___________________________________

二零一九年度香港大學學生會周年大選其他候選人包括候選常務秘書麥嘉晉、校園電視候選內閣、學苑候選編輯委員會及候選普選評議員。

2019年度周年大選中央諮詢大會將於一月二十一日至一月二十五日在中山廣場舉行，時間為下午十二時半至二時半。

Other candidates for the Annual Election 2019 include the Proposed General Secretary Mak Ka Chun Eugene, the Proposed Cabinet of Campus TV, the Proposed Editorial Board of Undergrad, and the Proposed Popularly Elected Union Councillor.

The Central Campaign for Annual Election 2019 will be held from the 21st to 25th of January at the Sun Yat-sen Place, from 12:30 to 14:30.

面對問題，才能持續成長。

今天坦白說，我對自己比賽的結果滿失望的。一開始的設定是前面 10 公里跑在 Long effort, 後面 11 公里跑 MP, 當成一個 L+T 來訓練。

結果實際發生的情況是，跑完 10 公里 long 之後還是沒信心開 MP, 硬生生從 10 公里拖到 15 公里, 又拖到 18 公里...然後就拖到終點了。結束後看錶，心跳 174 bpm - 我都不好意思說是 Long effort, 因為真的不是。

檢討原因，就是最近因為傷跟旅行，始終沒有好好訓練。今天跑的 21 公里加上暖身收操湊成的 26 公里，就是我過去一個半月跑得最長、最快的一次 Long 了。有這樣的結果，多少也不大意外。應該說練成這樣還想要跑 Long + Tempo, 顯然是太高估自己了。

不過往好處想，至少先前煩惱的臀傷已經完全沒有影響了，嘗試數次跑進 MP (3:45/km) 附近，感覺到的只有腿肌肉的無力，而沒有一絲痛感，其實已經滿幸運。

接下來的訓練目標，就是依照目前的水平，一步步 build up 到可以比賽全馬的狀態。Endurance 自然要花點功夫了，LT 也要多跑一些，心態上也要調整一點，更能吃苦一點才行。

哎唷，我不是一個愛抱怨的人啦，寧願把時間省起來解決問題。剩下 11 週不長也不短，不要再受傷，重點是持續，還可以練個小週期。

再不然，我就專心轉當 coach 了...有天花板這麼高的選手，感覺隨便都能騙幾口飯吃⋯

不行啦，我還是想當選手！！！

Jay

2019 舊金山半馬

1:20:55 😰

#極限之光

高達創戰者 GUNDAM Build Fighters OP2 粵語同人詞 翻唱 泠風ver

wimp ft. Lil' Fang（from FAKY）
原詞、作曲：BACK-ON
原唱：BACK-ON & Lil' Fang（from FAKY）
粵語填詞：Keroro軍曹、opeao
再填詞、翻唱：鏡泠風

歌詞：
無人能明解此刻的我倆
順從心　只因想戰鬥
我很需要你　你很需要我
能挽你手衝出天際裡

然而原來難得我有著你　仍給我勇氣
別就範而　AGAIN AND AGAIN
徬徨　情感　怯慌　與你　或令誰亦不安
明明無需要去面對　明知要往後退
但我決意要再前行去爭取
而重新　再出發　從今天　我感覺不再孤單

Oh it is the right time to wake up!
(right time to wake up)
Something in your heart. It has been to wake up!
(it has been to wake up)
Feeling your heart is heat to fight. Fight for yourself!
(wo~~~~~)
Let us see something fly again!

We can be build fighters
從心裡燃希望　在我身邊有著無數支持
使我一心向著前　We can together
在你心中也寄望　創戰　戰鬥到底

一起去再開闢
攜手一起前進吧　就算多少的障礙　仍會去闖
無窮潛能釋放　把心中信念實現　無困惑
在這一刻銘記住　要戰鬥　奮勇到底　而今天我可一再戰


後記：怎麼叫再填詞呢？原因是朋友填完的詞我覺得太gay唱唔落同埋有些地方填漏和填錯音了，結果一直修改修改著，很多完全重新填過，意思都和之前不同了，這已經不算只是編詞所以我稱為再填詞好了，再正確點說法應該是改詞才對吧？XD

重新再接觸混音和Mastering，希望大家能聽得出和以往作品有著不同的感覺，當然希望是好的一面啦！233333

【高達創戰者 & Try】Gundam Build Fighters／鏡泠風 -粵語主題曲- (Cover)【串燒OP】
鏡泠風Facebook 專頁：https://www.facebook.com/kenith.producer/

泠風粉絲Discord：
https://discord.gg/H79akBZ

「常常在想為何TVB怎不填埋OP2，結果用同人創作來補完了.」

-------------------------------
∎ニブンノイチ - 身邊有你
作曲、日詞、編曲：BACK-ON
粵語填詞：天旋
粵語原唱：陳國峰　日語原唱：BACK-ON

翻唱 & 混音 & 字幕：鏡泠風

歌詞：

如身邊有你　永遠跟你一塊　我哪會孤單
齊來明天　清早走到第二晚
不分你我　過去的理想　至今仍燦爛
如同天空七彩色那繽紛　人家總會盛讚

我不算好　也太過平凡了
常常懷疑洩氣　性格太過膽小
感激你當天對我那微笑
「你這麼滿足嗎？」　答案你已經揭曉

原來唔好一個人自己諗埋一邊　(一邊)
我要同伴同我同步一齊作戰　(作戰)
我同你拍住上理想就會實現　(Right now)
Ready set go

如身邊有你　永遠跟我一塊　我哪會孤單
原來所想的都會實現嗎
多得有你　送我的笑聲　至今仍然燦爛
從來天天都緊握我的手　齊開始進發

我倆想要一切　也信會得到
完全都只感激因你　願望實現到
鼓起勇氣　兩個激發雙倍力量飆高
能一飛衝天去宣佈　終於我做到

你別要嗌暫停　(Don't stop)
我永遠照顧你　(Don't cry)
我會與你大開眼界
It's gonna be alright

-------------------------------
∎wimp ft. Lil' Fang（from FAKY）- 成為創戰者
作曲、日詞：BACK-ON
日語原唱：BACK-ON & Lil' Fang（from FAKY）

粵語同人填詞：Keroro軍曹、opeao
編詞 & 翻唱 & 混音 & 字幕：鏡泠風

歌詞：

無人能明解此刻的我倆
順從心　只因想戰鬥
我很需要你　你很需要我
能挽你手衝出天際裡

然而原來難得我有著你　仍給我勇氣
別就範而　AGAIN AND AGAIN
徬徨　情感　怯慌　與你　或令誰亦不安
明明無需要去面對　明知要往後退
但我決意要再前行去爭取
而重新　再出發　從今天　我感覺不再孤單

Oh it is the right time to wake up!
(right time to wake up)
Something in your heart. It has been to wake up!
(it has been to wake up)
Feeling your heart is heat to fight. Fight for yourself!
(wo~~~~~)
Let us see something fly again!

We can be build fighters
從心裡燃希望　在我身邊有著無數支持
使我一心向著前　We can together
在你心中也寄望　創戰　戰鬥到底

一起去再開闢
攜手一起前進吧　就算多少的障礙　仍會去闖
無窮潛能釋放　把心中信念實現　無困惑
在這一刻銘記住　要戰鬥　奮勇到底　而今天我可一再戰

-------------------------------
∎セルリアン - 無窮無盡
作曲、日詞、編曲：BACK-ON
粵語填詞：天旋
粵語原唱：陳國峰　日語原唱：BACK-ON

翻唱 & 混音 & 字幕：鏡泠風

歌詞：

無窮且無盡　無窮且無盡
無窮且無盡　此刻的我能勇敢
多得你奉勸我無止境去做夢發奮
要笑得夠真　哭泣都要夠誠與懇
天清繼續氣朗
來出走昂首兼闊步
我沒法再等

誰在當初以那火燒～劍
熱力大刀刺穿　使我心坎
遺留遺留遺留血痕
如灑滂沱大雨　我都遺忘避雨
和誰賽跑飛奔　因我未敢
忘光傷痛悲哀氣憤

天空太gray
但我哋要keep住有faith!
唔好剩係識得blame
forget the pain!
Uh　我哋雙手捉緊光榮
點起心中嗰團flame

要說不　正有股歪風說太難發生
展開兩翼對抗
逆風追我夢未會放
太過多疑問　標準的答案誰也講
偏偏我話答案存於心裡
抓緊血脈熱情再發光
無窮再推進

-------------------------------
∎Just Fly Away - 再度挑戰
作曲、編曲：大西克巳
日詞：BOUNCEBACK
日語原唱：EDGE of LIFE

粵填 & 翻唱 & 混音 & 字幕：鏡泠風

歌詞：

曾過往歷戰無數萬次 而每次戰鬥從未怕輸
從過往挫折尋勝辦法 無悔去拼鬥先可接受

要～勇氣突破
與戰友去分擔
奮勇再去邁進
挑戰 每件事

從拳頭傳出的各種心意 能明瞭藏於心裡的喊聲
那就算得挑戰 那就算得一次 這仍是存意義

人無窮潛質都要將釋放　來尋求人生的各種意思
再互碰多一次 再為了得改變 去歷遍
與舊友多相見 要共鬥多千次 Fly away

-------------------------------
#身邊有你
#無窮且無盡
#WecanbeBuildFighters!
特別鳴謝：謝謝音箱製作的小泠風w

一個明明應該要精準的細胞簡訊，結果發到一百一十萬封，是演算法有錯，還是主事者不想用大數據分類，結果搞到各種數據彼此衝突這真的是大數據防疫嗎？

全國恐慌之後又要甩鍋給地方了說是地方的漏洞了，說好的防疫優先不要鬥爭呢？你有研發出蟲洞讓病毒直接從雙北出現，你要說啊，國門放進來還不是中央的責任難道是蟲洞的責任？簡訊亂發難道也是地方的責任？

8月13號到9月2號這一群機師
跟他們的密切接觸者
在台灣留下來的軌跡
我跟你講就是確定是一個
確定是Delta病毒
那所以有一個問題在這樣子的狀況之下
廣發了110萬通細胞簡訊
我記得今年年初的時候還有去年吧
高虹安好像討論過細胞簡訊對隱私權
還有通保法之間到底有沒有扞格之處
到底有沒有侵犯人民隱私之處
妳那個時候的討論是針對什麼地方
那時候是敦睦艦隊吧我記得
不只還有鑽石公主號
對 因為他們下來之後其實他就是有接觸
然後因為後來陳其邁有把它寫成一篇論文
他就說有用了62萬人的基地台定位
那這件事情基本上就是完全是用了特別條款
反正就是最高上限指揮官可以做任何處置
就是侵犯人權我們坦白講
對他等於是說要去存取到這些資訊
那當然後來其實他們也出來講說
那個基地台的定位並不是很精確說
一定是定到他本人的一些行為等等的
就是說有經過基地台才會被搜到這個訊號
但是它還是代表著是你一個行為的足跡
我自己也收到那個簡訊
真的假的妳為什麼收到簡訊
我後來去了解了一下
是因為我在8月24號的時候
有代表郭董去桃園機場的醫院
就是我們那邊有一個聯新醫院
去那邊捐防疫物資
我那時候到的是一航廈
好像那個機師在那一天好像是出現在二航廈
所以反正是因為這樣的關係
所以我的就是可能也被基地台的定位掃到
但是我覺得很奇怪的一點是說
其實110萬人這個簡訊真的有點妙
是因為其實我們都有掃實聯制
所以其實按理來講的話
其實實聯制如果是有實聯制的話
你應該是用實聯制的資訊去推
你怎麼會是用基地台去推這件事情
所以這有點怪因為變成是說好像
你本應該是要做精準疫調
結果變成是要用基地台去一個很擴大
而且重點是蔡英文總統還出來跟大家講說
有收到簡訊的人不要恐慌
如果是其他一般的民眾他們收到簡訊的時候
一定會擔憂
所以他們一定會想要去做篩檢
那這種時候就變成是你的全台灣
是不是有辦法去收納這麼多人
突然要去篩檢的這件事情
還是說去的地方又會造成一個群聚
但我先幫大家解釋一下
因為所謂的細胞簡訊
是當初我們在鑽石公主號
然後在這個過去
好幾次在沒有完整資料的時候所發的
因為細胞簡訊是一個未經同意
直接強行跟電信公司收取你的手機足跡的一種方式
所以第一個
它有沒有侵犯隱私權 有
第二個它用的是太上條款
就是有緊急需要的時候
由疫情指揮中心陳時中指揮官下令侵犯人權
也就是這個東西基本上調閱它是違反通保法
違反個人隱私法
幾乎是你知道的所有關於電信資料的保護都違背
但是為了防疫需要
就硬是把它拉出來
剛剛虹安講的意思是
你都侵犯人權了你都違反通保法了
你都違反個資法了
你調出來的資訊怎麼會是110萬人
3個確診機師可以接觸到110萬人
你以為他們選總統
我覺得是真的不知道說他到底是怎麼樣
去決定撈出這110萬
你是說反正我就是多匡一點
就是寧可錯殺也不要放過之類的想法嗎
但是我覺得他今天用這樣的方式去描述一段
他就跟你講8月13號到9月2號
他也告訴你說你有可能是
真的跟確診者有接觸到
還是你只是有在那個空間有可能碰到
我跟你講這個論述都超不精準的
就是你110萬出來之後
一個負責任的政府
我不知道他為什麼要這樣做
你起碼要告訴我說
你今天這個case是因為8月24號
那我對於我的情況會比較了解
或者是說我今天有掃實聯制
那你110萬你是從基地台抓出來的
那你難道不能夠再跟實聯制這些
我們每天掃的那個辛苦的實聯制
你不能再跟它交叉比對一下再跟我說
我是因為哪一個時間點所以有這個問題
你就丟了一個簡訊來讓大家莫名其妙的
這個之所以說不負責任
是新加坡用的技術TraceTogether用的是藍芽
比較接近我們那個 社交距離APP
對社交距離APP 它用的也是藍芽
所以新加坡 剛剛這個網友有講他說
你可以從TraceTogether裡面
找到你過去兩星期所有的精準定位
跟你注射疫苗的接種狀況
我們坦白講這個東西google map就做的到啊
你如果開你的定位
你其實到哪裡去google map都有登錄
那為什麼今天我們的細胞簡訊
照說可以很精準卻沒有精準的篩選之後
就狂發110萬封
這個東西的科學根據到底在哪
你之前是不是笑過對岸說Delta病毒
回追七天你笑他不科學
結果你現在做的作法
8月13號到9月2號應該...
世界怎麼跟得上台灣
這也太誇張了
等等你列了20天的時間
中間我只要跟他接近這個還不是用藍芽
就是我在基地台handshake
而且會到110萬看起來是沒有管那一天的小時
他那一天一定就是24小時之內我跟你重疊
距離算接近我就發
寧可全面錯殺也不要放過
那你說你今天讓全國110萬人覺得擔心害怕
懷疑他女友到底到哪裡去了
這個難道沒有社會成本嗎
你今天為了防疫不能夠再多篩一下
應該這樣講你沒有辦法用手機的細胞簡訊的話
你就要用實聯制嘛
實聯制是有時間然後店的位置
然後當然有進去的時間
出來就可能只能擲筊
或者是看他下一次掃實聯制是什麼地方
可是我這樣講你今天兩個系統都培養
為什麼不能交叉比對咧
你今天又不交叉比對你就隨便亂發
我們光這樣講110萬封簡訊要花多少錢
而且大家還乖乖的每天給你拍實聯制
在那邊掃實聯制的時候結果卻撈不出來
我覺得這整個過程就是
如果說你今天就是花了這些錢
然後build up一個實聯制的系統
然後你到真正要用的時候
卻還是用基地台定位
那我就真的不知道實聯制大家掃那麼辛酸
又花那麼多錢幾個億的到底在做什麼
現在的問題就是
現在機師的這件事情有沒有實際用到實聯制
其實沒有
機師去其他的地方有沒有掃實聯制
那如果有掃的話那你每一個空間
每一個unit你都可以抓出一群人
那你再拿這群人去跟他比對
而不是發110萬份簡訊
我現在不是要拿gps
直接去跟每一個單位的location去比對
我現在是拿機師的gps
去跟他自己的實聯制去做比對
你就會有第一點第二點第三點
每一個的地方你就可以拉的出來了
我不知道啦也許對他們來說真的很困難
或者是追求時效性他必須要趕快去做
所以他後面所有的處理都不做
就直接110萬撒出去
我不知道但是就我來講
我覺得既然實聯制有更精準的足跡的資訊
而且是大家比較願意去提供的資訊
那你為什麼不去使用實聯制的資訊
去比對這個東西呢
我這樣講政府施政不可能百分之百沒有疏漏
但是你明明知道有疏漏
你卻不把它補好
那你還一邊跟人家吹
我跟你講實聯制這個東西呢
我早就知道是一個妥協的狀況
你臨時要開發出這種實聯制來的確很困難
當然不周全
但是你不要開發出一個漏洞百出的系統之後
跟大家講說都是唐鳳
唐鳳好棒唐鳳是天才
唐鳳開發這個東西無懈可擊
我就問一句啊現在你能不能從裡面撈出來
靠實聯制確認這些機師去過哪些地方
幾點幾分進門
有沒有人在這個數字平台上跟他重疊
而不是只發細胞簡訊
你細胞簡訊一發出來表示你沒有別的方法了
而且還發了一個很粗陋沒有篩過的110萬份
我覺得這個對理工科的人來講我沒辦法想像