Question 1

among us任務護台胖犬 劉仕傑 在Facebook 的評價

Accepted Answer

【 小英的哥大演講 】前兩天蔡英文 Tsai Ing-wen 總統在哥倫比亞大學Columbia University in the City of New York 的演講感動了許多人，我也一直想要跟大家好好分享對這篇講稿的心得。想歸想，但卻沒時間動筆。一直到昨天，BBC 中文網（繁體） 有篇談這場演講的報導（後面有一小段引用了對我的訪問），然後發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 跟我在臉書上聊這件事。我們兩個雖然都很想談談這篇講稿，但週末都忙著同一件事：帶小孩（他帶他的、我帶我的）。但再不寫大概就沒人想談了，所以只好趁現在小孩睡覺後開始寫。前天我曾經在臉書上請大家好好讀這篇講稿，中文英文都要看。有關中文的部分，朱宥勳 已經有很精彩的寫作技巧分析，大家可以去看看。這一篇貼文會從英文文稿（這場演講是以英文進行的）跟一些比較宏觀的角度切入。✍️為什麼是紐約？為什麼是哥大？很多人都知道小英總統是英國倫敦政經學院的博士（好吧，有些人到現在還在懷疑），小英講英文時也有很雋永的英國腔，但大家比較容易忽略的是，紐約（美國）才是她第一個異鄉求學的地方。她當時就讀康乃爾大學Cornell University ，位於紐約州的漂亮小城Ithaca。所以也許不難想像紐約這個大城市，在當時對一個在台北長大的乖乖牌學生，所產生的人生衝擊。小英不但順利拿到碩士學位，還考過了全美難考的紐約州律師考試（美國的律師考試是不同地方分開考的，難易不一，比較難的一般來說是紐約、芝加哥跟加州）。我想紐約對於小英來說，是充滿許多回憶的。小英在紐約的公開演講曾說：「這是她第一次以中華民國總統的身份造訪紐約」。從這個背景來看小英的英文講稿，不難發現，前四段事實上是給紐約客（New Yorker）的溫暖起手式：✍️Receiving an invitation to speak here from such a vanguard of free speech and diversity is actually quite an honor.能受邀來這所以言論自由及多元包容著稱的校園座談，我實在備感榮幸。🐶小英在演講的第一句話，就點出了紐約這城市對她的意義：言論自由、多元。為什麼要特別講這一點？因為她當年就讀Cornell時，台灣發生了美麗島事件跟林宅血案。你可以想像，在多元自由的紐約校園，卻聽到家鄉發生重大事件，內心有多震撼。✍️ I graduated from Cornell Law School in 1980, and I have to say, being back on a New York campus brings back many memories. Though I’m sure many of you would say that any campus outside of New York City is not really part of New York.我在1980年畢業於康乃爾大學，再度回到久違的紐約校園，勾起我許多的回憶。雖然，或許在場有人會說，任何紐約市以外的校園都不能算是紐約。🐶這一段是insider joke，非紐約人可能看不懂，紐約人聽到應該笑呵呵。為什麼？前面已經說了，Cornell位於紐約州的Ithaca，但不是位於紐約市內，所以這個笑話是小英的自嘲：我知道我念的學校沒有位於紐約市（New York City）內，你們一定覺得那不能算是「紐約校園」。說白了，這有點像是天龍國笑話或是「天母是天龍中的天龍」之類的。講到這，看看哥大的臉書名稱：Columbia University in the City of New York （位於紐約市的哥倫比亞大學），不覺得很幽默嗎？這是在開其他沒有位於紐約市（也許位於紐約州）大學的玩笑。（你能想像台大的臉書名稱說「位於台北的台大」嗎？）✍️However, I actually lived in the city in the summer of 1979, when I was doing research work for a professor at the East Asia Institute of Columbia University. Later on, I passed the New York Bar examination here, and visited the city from time to time, sometimes on my way to Washington DC for trade negotiations.然而我在1979年夏天曾經真正住過紐約，協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。而我在通過紐約州律師考試後，就更常走訪紐約，有時是在前往華府做貿易談判時會經過紐約。🐶接續上一段的笑點，打鐵趁熱，小英為自己的「紐約經驗」多加一點正當性。她說她當時曾經協助哥倫比亞大學東亞研究所的一位教授做研究。哥大位於紐約市內，這下總不能說我不是紐約人了吧？✍️Life in New York in the 1980s was eye opening for a young law student from not quite democratized Taiwan. Diversity and different perspectives were the norm, and looking out across the lecture hall today, I am glad to see that has not changed.對一個來自當時尚未完全民主化的臺灣的法律系學生來說，1980年代的紐約生活真的令我眼界大開，多元化和不同的見解竟然才是正常。我很高興，從這講台放眼望出去，一切都如此熟悉，絲毫未曾改變。🐶這一段，事實上講的是台灣當時還沒解嚴，而且發生了美麗島事件。小英講的委婉，沒有指名道姓，只說台灣當時尚未完全民主化。以上四段，是非常成功的破冰（ice-breaking）。破冰是公共演講的重要技巧，做得好，能夠化解一開始的尷尬與緊張，並連結講者與聽眾的關係。開場做得好，也有助接下來的演講氣氛跟節奏的掌握。所以好的幕僚真的很重要，也真的能讓你上天堂。幕僚寫稿的功力也在這裡，帶出個人情感（personal touch），讓老闆掌握演講節奏，這是需要專業訓練的。 ✍️In the early days of our political transition, some said democracy could not survive in China’s shadow. And Taiwan is now home to a thriving democratic society and political system.我們在政治轉型初期，很多人說在中國陰影的籠罩下，我們的民主不可能存活下來。然而，現在臺灣已然成為民主社會和政治制度蓬勃發展的居所。🐶我喜歡survive in Chinas shadow這個詞的用法，這可以提醒聽眾，今日許多國家，甚至包括美國，都還在擔憂中國的銳實力（sharp power）。西方國家對於要不要禁用華為爭論不休，也可以視為一種中國的陰影。 ✍️Some said a resource-poor island of only 23 million people could not become a major economic player. Yet we are now the United States’ 11th largest trade partner.有人說，人口只有兩千三百萬而且資源匱乏的小島，無法成為經濟的主要推手，然而現在我們已經變成美國的第11大貿易夥伴了。🐶這是很漂亮的對比，從資源匱乏的小國變成美國的重要貿易夥伴。 ✍️Some said progressive values could not take root in East Asian society. Yet I stand here before you as Taiwan’s first woman president, and this year we became the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.有人說，先進的價值觀無法於東亞社會生根。但今天，我是以臺灣第一位女總統的身分站在各位面前，而今年臺灣也已經躍為亞洲第一個同婚合法的國家。🐶progressive這個字，我習慣翻譯成「進步」，但總統府的翻譯為「先進」。這一段很生動的描繪了台灣在性別平權上的進展，對台灣的形象是很好的宣傳。 ✍️In short, Taiwan’s story is one of seemingly improbable success. Many call Taiwan a “democratic miracle,” but I don’t believe in miracles. I believe in the will of the people, and their vision for a better world.簡言之，臺灣就是在不可能的環境下成就了可能。許多人稱臺灣為「民主奇蹟」，但我不是奇蹟的信徒。我相信的是人民的意志，以及對更美好未來的願景。 🐶「奇蹟的信徒」在中文是個華麗的修辭，但英文用的是大家國中都學過的文法：believe 是相信，believe in 是信仰。有沒有 in 差很多。 ✍️We are seeing this threat in action right now in Hong Kong. Faced with no channel to make their voices heard, young people are taking to the streets to fight for their democratic freedoms. And the people of Taiwan stand with them.我們看到這個威脅正在衝擊香港，年輕人沒有管道發聲，只好走上街頭為民主自由拼搏。我們臺灣人民決心和他們站在一起。Hong Kong’s experience under “one country, two systems” has shown the world once and for all that authoritarianism and democracy cannot coexist.香港的「一國兩制」經驗，向世界明白揭破了獨裁和民主無法共存的事實。🐶沒有任何一個場合，比台灣總統親自在美國談香港逃犯條例的議題更適合了。這一點我相信能贏得很多聽眾共鳴。如果真的要挑剔的話，我也許會思考一個問題：加上新疆集中營或甚至西藏議題，會不會比較好？加跟不加都各有利弊，也許文稿小組最後決定讓演講更聚焦。 ✍️You begin to censor your own speech, your own thoughts. You no longer discuss current events with your friends, for fear of being overheard. You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future.你開始審查自己的言論和想法，不再和朋友討論時事，因為害怕被竊聽，大部分時間都提心吊膽的前瞻後顧，根本無法好好面對未來。🐶我喜歡這一段的節奏。也因為這一段，我猜測這篇講稿應該是「以英文寫成，再翻譯成中文」，而非「以中文寫成，再翻譯成英文」。為什麼？因為You spend more time looking over your shoulder than you spend looking towards the future. 用了前面跟後面的修辭。 ✍️Our story is one of perseverance, of a commitment to democracy against all odds.我們的故事是堅毅不撓的故事，是力抗萬難，堅守民主的故事。 Ours is a story of why values do still matter. The cultural and political differences across the Taiwan Strait only grow wider by the day; and each day that Taiwan chooses freedom of speech, human rights, the rule of law, is a day that we drift farther from the influences of authoritarianism. 我們的故事在訴說，為什麼核心價值如此的重要。臺海兩岸在文化及政治上的歧異日趨擴大。臺灣選擇言論自由、人權及法治的每一天，都讓我們與獨裁政權漸行漸遠。🐶Against all odds 強調台灣民主及經濟發展難能可貴。A story of why values do still matter. 強調台灣跟中國最大的差異:價值。 ✍️Authoritarian governments seek to exploit press freedoms unique to democratic societies to sow dissent among us. They hope to make us question our political systems and lose faith in democracy.獨裁政府企圖利用民主社會的新聞自由，在我們之間挑撥對立，要讓我們懷疑我們的政治制度，好讓我們對民主失落信心。 Taiwan has been on the frontlines of this battle for years, and we have a great deal of experiences to offer to the world. 臺灣多年來一直站在這場戰爭的前線，我們有太多經驗可以與世界分享。🐶這一段強調台灣在全球資訊戰的價值及經驗，凸顯台灣是美國重要盟邦的重要性。✍️But democracy faces other challenges as well, especially in the form of economic enticements with hidden strings attached.然而民主還面臨其他挑戰，特別是暗藏算計的經濟誘惑。🐶這在講什麼？包括中國對台灣的統戰，也包括中國對其他國家的一帶一路及所帶來的債權陷阱（debt trap）。  ✍️So to all the people who ask me how to make the choice between democracy and economic growth, I say the choice is clear: the two are inseparable.很多人問我如何在民主與經濟成長之間作出抉擇，我的答案很清楚，就是：兩者密不可分。 History tells us that democracies are strongest when united, and weakest when divided.歷史告訴我們，民主國家團結時最強，分裂時最弱。🐶這邊改寫了英文寫作常用的名言錦句：United we stand, divided we fall。寫得很漂亮，沒話說。😄😄😄我只挑了一些段落跟大家分享，希望大家喜歡，也算是完成發達資本主義時代的打油詩人 交代給我的任務。忘了說，哥大的黎安友（Andrew Nathan）教授是小英這次訪紐約的靈魂人物，他是友台派中國通的祖師爺級人物，台灣許多教授及政治人物都上過他的課。我在清大就讀中國研究碩士時，Andy（我們都這麼稱呼他）也來清大上過短期講座，現在回想起來，當時能在新竹上他的課真的太幸福了（畢竟清大不在紐約市，學費也不能跟長春藤盟校相比😂）。半夜兩點了，來睏。（發文的霎那，螢幕跳出喬帥擊敗費爸的新聞，我整個錯過了比賽....😭）Ps. 本篇文章謝謝打油詩人給我一些靈感，但如果有寫錯的地方，文責當然自負。 （本篇引用的中英文講稿內容來自中華民國總統府官網） 護台胖犬 劉仕傑Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball （老狗追球）

Question 2

among us任務沃草 Watchout 在Facebook 的評價

Accepted Answer

#獨家 世界衛生組織將台灣問題相關聲明稿下架！　世界衛生組織(WHO)在台灣時間今(6)日凌晨以 How the World Health Organization works with all people, everywhere 為題發了一篇聲明稿，試圖為排除台灣參與 WHO 辯解。不過這篇聲明卻在不到 24 小時內就被 WHO 網站下架，直至晚間6時30分仍呈現「找不到網頁」（This page cannot be found），《沃草》透過世衛網站暫存紀錄，獨家為大家揭露該篇聲明內容。　聲明中，WHO仍稱與台灣相關的事務為「中國台灣事務」（ Taiwan, China issues），針對全球的種種批評，WHO 仍稱之為誤解（misunderstandings），並聲稱是有些人將「技術性的維護全球公共健康任務」與「決定 WHO 會員資格的權限」混淆，似乎打算以此來回應國際要求讓台灣加入 WHO 的呼聲。　聲明中多處重申 WHO 在 3 月 29 日公布的聲明（https://waa.tw/Qsu21N），認為 WHO 與台灣設有聯絡點、台灣專家曾參與 WHO 會議等，並表示台灣參與世界衛生大會的觀察員資格是在一次次的會員國投票中遭到否決，以及提起讓中華人民共和國取代中華民國聯合國席位的聯合國 2758 決議文，表示世界衛生大會遵循此決議及其中的一中原則。　似乎是為回應全球對 WHO 應對流行病能力的質疑，WHO 在聲明中表示「有些人可能認為 WHO 成員組成影響我們維護世界安全的能力，但更重要的是要了解我們的治理方式和實踐方式。」 　　　暫存檔網址：https://waa.tw/dohkIm聲明截圖：https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VP-KMgP4wb6Oy8jQkOjoSu-DWGS3Xqkb/view原新聞稿網址：https://waa.tw/lFKd8M　（以下為世界衛生組織聲明原文）標題：Update: How the World Health Organization works with all people, everywhere發表時間：5 April 2020 Statement內文：In recent months we have seen misunderstandings in social media and the news media about how WHO manages global public health issues. In particular, there are a lot of questions about Taiwan, China issues. Some people are confusing WHO’s technical global public health mandate, with the mandate of countries to determine WHO’s membership. Countries decide this. The WHO Secretariat focuses on keeping the world safe.WHO works to promote the health of all people, everywhere. Indeed, one of our overarching goals is Universal Health Coverage. #healthforall. We are an organization with a staff of physicians, scientists, researchers and public health experts who are committed to serving all people regardless of nationality, race, ethnicity, religion, gender.This includes the people of Taiwan. We serve them through regular interactions with their experts and authorities on vital public health issues. This has been the case over many years, including during the COVID-19 pandemic.It is understandable that some people might think that the composition of WHO’s membership affects our ability to keep the world safe. But it is important to understand both how we are governed and how we operate in practice.WHO is part of the United Nations, whose membership is the mandate of countries. In 1971, countries of the world participating in the United Nations General Assembly recognized the People’s Republic of China as “the only legitimate representative of China,” in effect, a one-China policy. That is contained in UNGA Resolution 2758. In 1972, the World Health Assembly decided in WHA Resolution 25.1 to follow that.Every year, members have a chance to discuss important proposals during the World Health Assembly, where rules and policies governing WHO are decided. For example, at different times, some countries have proposed giving Taiwan’s authorities a special status – that of observing the annual World Health Assembly.There have been 14 times over the last 22 years (1997-2006; and in 2008, 2017, 2018, 2019) when countries discussed whether a delegation from Taiwan could attend the World Health Assembly as an observer. Each time the countries decided against it by consensus – except in 1997 and 2004 when there were votes: (by 128 votes to 19 in 1997; and by 133 votes to 25 in 2004). In 2007, the issue wasn’t observer status, but membership, and countries decided against considering that by a vote of 148 to 17.There have been occasions when it was clear that there was general support among WHO countries for Taiwan to take an observer seat at the World Health Assembly. Between 2009 and 2016, it did so under the name “Chinese Taipei.”But having a seat at the WHA, or not having a seat at the WHA, does not affect, in any way, whether an area or population benefits from WHO expertise and guidance. WHO helps all people, everywhere.WHO and Taiwan’s health experts interact throughout the year on vital public health and scientific issues, according to well-established arrangements.During the current COVID-19 pandemic, interactions have been stepped up, both through existing channels and new ones as well.Here are examples of WHO-Taiwan interactions around the coronavirus pandemic:-- There is an established International Health Regulations (IHR) Point of Contact (POC) for Taiwan. Taiwan’s POC receives IHR (2005) communications, provides IHR information updates from Taiwan directly to WHO Headquarters, and has access to the IHR Event Information Site (EIS) system. The EIS system is a password-protected database and information exchange platform supporting the IHR. It is the well-established platform for all IHR communications, back and forth, between WHO and IHR contacts.-- Health experts from Taiwan participate in two of the key WHO networks set up in January 2020 to support WHO work in the global COVID-19 response. Three experts from Taiwan are part of the WHO Infection Prevention and Control Network: two are part of the WHO Clinical Network. Every week, they join some 60 to 80 other experts from around the globe through a WHO-hosted teleconference, working to advance our knowledge and guidance in this response.-- Two public health experts from Taiwan participated in the Global Research and Innovation Forum organized by WHO on 11-12 February 2020. They took part, alongside other world scientists, in considering critical research questions and in finding ways to work together to advance the response.-- Taiwan’s Field Epidemiology Training Program is a member of the Training Programs in Epidemiology and Public Health Interventions Network (also known as “TEPHINET”). WHO shares Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network alerts and requests for assistance with TEPHINET, and those messages are cascaded to the TEPHINET members.-- WHO, through its technical lead, has directly briefed health authorities from Taiwan and has offered again.--Taiwan’s health experts and authorities have open access to developments, guidance and other materials through the WHO’s website (www.who.int) and other digital platforms.--They can access the www.OpenWHO.org platform, which hosts open online courses for decisionmakers and responders around the world. During the COVID-19 pandemic, OpenWHO usage has reached more than 1 million.--WHO has a designated contact point with their office in Geneva. Through this channel, general questions are handled and when technical concerns arise, WHO technical responses are coordinated.--WHO also interacts with Taiwan’s health authorities through the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control.Importantly, the COVID-19 caseload in Taiwan is low relative to population. We continue to follow developments closely, and WHO is taking lessons learned from all areas.Interactions with Taiwan during the response to the pandemic is not exceptional. Here are some examples of regular interactions with Taiwan’s health authorities and WHO, over many years, through well-established arrangements, and across many different global health concerns:Over the course of 2019, Taiwan’s experts were invited to attend 9 WHO technical meetings. They attended 8 of these meetings, contributing to WHO expert processes on issues including immunization, drug-resistant TB, assistive technologies, vaccine safety and SDG targets on NCDs and Mental Health. Prior to the Covid-19 emergency, work was underway for more expert participation from Taiwan in 2020.On influenza, Taiwan vaccine manufacturer Adimmune contributes to the WHO Pandemic Influenza Preparedness Framework (PIP Framework) and preparations are underway for concluding an agreement between WHO and Adimmune under the PIP Framework for pandemic influenza vaccine products;In the fight against cancer, experts from Taiwan have contributed to key publications issued by the WHO International Agency for Research on Cancer;In support of the International Health Regulations, an expert from Taiwan has been appointed to the IHR Expert Roster; andOn a range of other issues, from WHO pre-qualification practices for pharmaceutical manufacturers to malaria, there are exchanges with WHO on practical and technical issues.It is fair to say that the contribution of Taiwan’s health experts to WHO, and their interactions with us, are well-developed and broad-based. And these interactions add value to the work of WHO and to global health.

Question 3

among us任務馮智政 在Facebook 的評價

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【對華政策的範式轉移】絕對是歷史性講話.#成萬字 #萬言書 #頹譯都譯死人----小弟頹譯------蓬佩奧：謝謝。謝謝你們。州長，您的慷慨介紹。的確是這樣：當您在那個體育館裡散步時，說出“蓬佩奧”的名字，人們就會耳語。因為，我有一個兄弟，Mark，他是一個非常好，一位非常出色的籃球運動員。請為藍鷹榮譽衛隊（Blue Eagles Honor Guard）及飛行員Kayla Highsmith下士對國歌的精彩演繹給多一次掌聲如何？ （掌聲）也要感謝Laurie牧師那動人的祈禱，我還要感謝Hugh Hewitt和尼克遜基金會的邀請讓我在這個重要的美國機構發言。很高興能受空軍人員演唱，由海軍陸戰隊介紹，讓個一個陸軍傢伙站在海軍傢伙的房子前面。 （笑聲）（按蓬佩奧曾在美國陸軍服役 ）一切都很好。很榮幸來到Yorba Linda，尼克遜的父親在那裡建立了他出生和成長的房屋。在這困難時刻，使今天成為可能的尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員，感謝，感謝我和我的團隊使這一天成為可能。我們很幸運能在觀眾中見到一些特別的嘉賓，包括我認識的Chris Nixon (尼克遜的孫，Christopher Nixon Cox)。我還要感謝Tricia Nixon和Julie Nixon Eisenhower　（尼克遜兩位女兒）對這次訪問的支持。我還想提一提幾位勇敢的中國持不同政見者，他們長途跋涉並出席。其他尊貴的客人-（掌聲）-尊貴的客人，謝謝您的光臨。那些在帳篷下的人，您們必須支付額外的費用（笑）。以及那些正在觀看直播的人，感謝您的收看。最後，正如州長所說，我在Santa Ana出生，離這裡不遠。今天有我的姐姐和她的丈夫在聽眾中。謝謝大家的光臨。我敢打賭，您從沒想過我會站在這裡。我今天的講話是我在一系列中國演講中的第四組講話，我請國家安全顧問Robert O’Brien，聯邦調查局局長Chris Wray和司法部長Barr陪同我發言。我們有一個非常明確的目標，一個實在的任務。這是在解釋美國與中國關係的不同方面，數十年來這種關係中出現的巨大失衡以及中國共產黨所計劃的霸權。我們的目標是明確指出，特朗普總統的中國政策正在解決的對美國人的威脅是明顯的，並且我們正確立保障自由的戰略。Robert O’Brien談到了意識形態。聯邦調查局局長Wray談到了間諜活動。司法部長Barr談到了經濟學。現在，我今天的目標是將這一切匯總給美國人民，並詳細說明中國的威脅對我們的經濟，我們的自由，乃至全球自由民主國家的未來的衝擊。自基辛格（Kissinger）博士秘密訪問中國以來，到明年已經過去了半個世紀，而尼克松總統訪華50週年也就在2022年。那時世界大不一樣了。我們以為與中國交往（engagement）將創造一個帶有友好合作前景的美好未來。但是今天—今天我們仍然戴著口罩，看著疫性的死亡人數仍在增加，因為中共對世界的承諾沒有兌現。我們每天早上都在讀到鎮壓香港和新疆的新聞消息。我們看到的中國貿易濫用行為的驚人數字使美國失去了工作，並給整個美國經濟帶來了沉重打擊，包括南加州。而且我們正在看著一支越來越強大，甚至更具威脅性的中國軍隊。從加利福尼亞州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州以及其他地區，我都有著與美國人心中的疑問：從與中國交往至今，美國人民這50年見到了什麼？領袖們曾說過的中國邁向自由與民主發展的理論是否正確？這是中國對 雙贏 局面的定義嗎？實際上，從國務卿的角度來看，美國更安全嗎？我們是否有更大的可能為我們自己實現和平，並為我們之後的子孫後代享有和平？看，我們必須承認一個硬道理。我們必須承認一個硬道理，它將指導我們在未來幾十年中發展，如果我們要擁有一個自由的21世紀，而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀，那麼與中國盲目交往的舊範式坦白說是沒有贏的機會。我們決不能在此繼續，也絕不能重返。正如特朗普總統已明確指出的那樣，我們需要一項保護美國經濟乃至我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界必須戰勝這一新的暴政。 The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.現在，在我似乎不太希望拆除尼克遜總統的遺產之前，我想明確地說，他做了當時他認為最適合美國人民的事情，而且他很可能是對的。他是中國的傑出學生，冷酷的勇士和中國人民的偉大仰慕者，正如我們一樣。他意識到中國太重要而不能忽視，即使國力由於自身的共產主義野蠻行為而被削弱。這值得尼克遜給予極大的讚譽。1967年，尼克遜在一篇非常著名的外交事務文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。他的話是這樣的：他說：“從長遠來看，我們根本無法永遠把中國留在國際大家庭之外……在中國改變之前，世界不會安全。因此，我們的目標是 —在可能的範圍內，我們必須作出影響，而我們的目標應該是促使改變。”我認為這是整篇文章中的關鍵詞：“促使改變”。因此，在歷史性的北京之行中，尼克遜總統開始了我們的交住戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更自由，更安全的世界，並希望中國共產黨能兌現這一承諾。隨著時間的流逝，美國決策者越來越多地認為，隨著中國變得更加繁榮，它將會對外開放，它會在國內變得更加自由，而實際上在國外所面臨的威脅卻越來越小，它將變得更加友好。這一切似乎都是不可避免的。但是那個必然的時代已經過去了。我們一直在進行的這種交往並沒有帶來尼克遜總統希望所引起的中國內部的變化。事實是，我們的政策以及其他自由國家的政策使中國經濟從衰落得以恢復，但北京反咬了養活它的國際力量。我們曾向中國公民張開雙臂，只是看到中國共產黨利用我們的自由開放社會。中國派宣傳員參加了我們的新聞發布會，研究中心，高中，大學，甚至參加了家長教師會議。我們將台灣的朋友邊緣化，後來台灣蓬勃發展為積極的民主國家。我們給中國共產黨和政權本身以特殊的經濟待遇，只是看到中共堅持以對其人權侵犯保持沉默作為讓西方公司進入中國市場的代價。前一天，Robert O’Brien大使舉了幾個例子：萬豪，美國航空，達美航空，聯合航空都從其公司網站上刪除了對台灣的提及，以免激怒北京。在荷里活，這裏的不遠處，距離美國創作自由的中心和自命為社會正義的仲裁者，他們的自我審查可說是對中國發展最不利的參考。公司對CCP的默許也發生在世界各地。這種企業忠誠度如何運作？奉承會得到獎勵嗎？讓我引述Barr總檢察長在講話。他在上週的一次演講中說：“中國統治者的最終野心不是與美國進行貿易。是要略奪美國。”中國剝奪了我們寶貴的知識產權和商業機密，損失了在美國各地了數百萬個就業機會。它從美國吸走了供應鏈，然後添加了一個由奴隸制度製成的小工具。它使世界上主要的水路對國際貿易而言變得不那麼安全。尼克遜總統曾經說過，他擔心自己通過向中共開放世界而創造了一個“科學怪人”，這正是如此。現在，有誠信的人可以辯論為什麼自由國家允許這些年來，這些不好的事情發生。也許我們對中國的惡毒的共產主義幼稚，或者在我們在冷戰勝利後變得自大，或者軟弱的資本主義者被北京所說的“和平崛起”所愚昧。無論出於何種原因—無論出於何種原因，今天的中國在國內都越來越專制，並開始對其他地方的自由作出干預。特朗普總統說：夠了。我不認為兩派的人對我今天所說的事實提出異議。但是即使到現在，也有人堅持認為，為了對話而對話。現在，要明確地說，我們將繼續討論。但是這些對話的意義是不同的。幾週前，我去了檀香山，與楊潔篪見面。這是同樣的古老故事—說了很多話，但實際上沒有任何改變任何行為的提議。楊的承諾，就像中共在他面前做出的許多承諾一樣，都是空洞的。我想，他的期望是我會屈服於他們的要求，因為坦率地說，這是許多前任政府所做的。我沒有，特朗普總統也不會。正如O’Brien很好地解釋的那樣，我們必須記住，中共政權是馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平堅信這已破產的極權主義思想。正是這種意識形態，正是這種意識形態反映了他數十年來對全球共產主義中國霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視我們兩國之間的根本政治和意識形態差異，就像中共從來沒有忽視它們一樣。以我在眾議院情報委員會，然後擔任中央情報局局長，以及擔任美國國務卿兩年多的經驗，使我對這種中央理解成為可能：唯一的方式　—　真正改變共產主義中國的唯一方法，不是對中國領導人聽其言，而是觀其行。您會看到美國政策對此結論做出了回應。列根總統說，他是在“信任但要核實”的基礎上與蘇聯打交道的。關於中共，我說我們必須＂不信任和核查＂。 （掌聲）我們，世界上熱愛自由的國家，必須像尼克遜總統所希望的那樣，促使中國發生變化。我們必須促使中國以更具創造性和果斷性的方式進行變革，因為北京的行動威脅著我們的人民和我們的繁榮。我們必須首先改變我們的人民和我們的伙伴對中國共產黨的看法。我們必須說實話。我們不能像其他任何國家一樣，把這個假象視為正常國家。我們知道，與中國進行貿易不像與一個正常的，遵守法律的國家進行貿易。北京威脅將國際協議視為—將協議視為建議，以作為主導全球的渠道。但是，通過堅持公平條款，就像我們的貿易代表在獲得第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣，我們可以迫使中國考慮其知識產權盜竊和損害美國工人的政策。我們也知道，與擁有CCP支持的公司開展業務與與一家加拿大公司開展業務不同。他們不回答獨立委員會的問題，而且其中許多是由國家贊助的，因此無需追求利潤。華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一家無辜的電信公司，它的出現是為了確保您可以和朋友聊天。我們稱其為真正的國家安全威脅，並為採取了相應的行動。我們也知道，如果我們的公司在中國投資，他們可能會有意或無意地支持共產黨嚴重侵犯人權的行為。因此，我們的美國財政部和商務部已批准並將那些危害和濫用世界人民最基本權利的中國領導人和實體列入黑名單。多個部門已就商業諮詢機構合作，以確保我們的CEO了解其供應鏈在中國境內的工作。我們也知道，我們也知道並非所有的中國學生和僱員都只是來這裡賺錢和積累一些知識的普通學生和工人。他們太多人來這裡竊取我們的知識產權並將其帶回自己的國家。司法部和其他機構已對這些罪行進行了嚴厲的懲罰。我們知道，解放軍也不是正規軍。其目的是維護中國共產黨精英的絕對統治，擴大中國帝國，而不是保護中國人民。因此，美國國防部加大了工作力度，擴大了在東，南海以及台灣海峽以及整個海峽的航行操作自由。我們還建立了一支太空部隊，以幫助阻止中國對這一最後邊界的侵略。同樣，坦率地說，我們在美國國務院制定了一套與中國打交道的新政策，推動特朗普總統實現公正與互惠的目標，以改寫幾十年來不斷加劇的失衡。就在本週，我們宣布關閉在休斯敦的中國領事館，因為它是間諜和知識產權盜竊的樞紐。 （掌聲）兩週前，我們在南中國海扭轉了過去八年忽略的國際法權益。我們呼籲中國限制其核能力以適應當今時代的戰略現實。國務院- 在世界各地，各個層面- 都與中國同行進行了交流，只是要求公平和互惠。但是我們的方法不只是要變得強硬。那不可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中國人民互動並賦予他們權力，他們是一個充滿活力，熱愛自由的人民，他們與中國共產黨完全不同。首先是面對面的外交。 （掌聲）無論我走到哪裡，我都遇到了有才華和勤奮的中國人。我遇過逃離新疆集中營的維吾爾族和哈薩克族。我曾與香港的民主領袖進行了交談，有陳日君樞機到黎智英。兩天前，我在倫敦會見了香港自由戰士羅冠聰。上個月在我的辦公室裡，我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中之一今天在這裡。王丹是一名關鍵學生，他從未停止為中國人民爭取自由。王先生，請您站起來，以便我們見到您嗎？ （掌聲）今天與我們同在的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生。他在中國的勞改營度過了幾十年的時間。魏先生，你能站起來嗎？ （掌聲）我成長及服役於冷戰時期。如果我學到一件事，共產黨人幾乎總是撒謊。他們告訴我們的最大謊言是，他們認為自己能代表14億被監視，壓迫和害怕說出來的人。恰恰相反。中共比任何敵人都更擔心中國人民的誠實觀點，失去對權力的控制。試想一下，如果我們能夠從武漢的醫生那裡聽到他們的來信，並且允許他們對新疫病的爆發發出警報，那麼世界會變得更好—更不用說中國內部的人了。幾十年來，我們的領袖一直無視，淡化勇敢的中國異見者的話，他們警告過我們所面對之政權。我們不能再忽略它了。他們與任何人一樣知道我們永遠無法回到現狀。但是改變中共的舉動並不單單是中國人民的使命。自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這不是簡單的事情。但是我有信心我們可以做到。我有信心，因為我們以前做過。我們知道這是怎麼回事。我有信心，因為中共正在重複蘇聯犯下的一些同樣的錯誤-疏遠潛在的盟友，破壞國內外的信任，拒絕財產權和法治。我有信心。我之所以有信心，是因為我看到其他國家之間的覺醒，他們知道我們無法回到過去，美國亦如是。我從布魯塞爾，悉尼到河內都聽說過。最重要的是，我相信我們可以捍衛自由，因為自由本身是漂亮的。看看香港人因中共加強對這個驕傲城市的控制，要移居海外。他們揮舞著美國國旗。是的，確實有差異。與蘇聯不同，中國已深入融入全球經濟。但是，北京對我們依賴，甚於我們依賴他們。 （掌聲）瞧，我拒絕相信我們生活在一個不可避免中國的時代，某些陷阱（按：修昔底德陷阱）是預設的，中共至上是未來。我們的方法不是注定失敗的，因為美國正在衰落。正如我在今年早些時候在慕尼黑說的那樣，自由世界仍在勝利的一方。我們只需要相信它，就明白它並為此感到自豪。來自世界各地的人們仍然希望加入開放社會。他們來到這裡學習，來到這里工作，來到這里為家人謀生。他們並不想留在中國。是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡。這是完美的時機。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。並非每個國家都將以同樣的方式對待中國，也不應該。每個國家都必須對如何保護自己的主權，如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護自己的理想不受中國共產黨的觸碰而有所了解。但是我呼籲每個國家的每一個領導人—如美國所先行的—簡單地堅持互惠，堅持中國共產黨的透明度和問責制。這些簡單而強大的標準將取得很大的成就。太長時間了，我們讓中共制定交往條款，但不再這樣做。自由國家必須定下基調。我們必須遵循相同的原則。我們必須在沙子上劃出共同的界線，而這不能被中共的討價還價或他們的野蠻沖走。確實，這就是美國最近所做的事情，因為我們一勞永逸地拒絕了中國在南中國海的非法主張，因為我們已敦促各國成為廉潔國家，以免其公民的私人信息落在手裡中國共產黨。我們通過制定標準來做到這一點。現在，這確實很困難。對於一些小國家來說很難。他們害怕被人欺負。因此，其中一些人根本沒有能力，沒有勇氣暫時與我們站在一起。的確，我們與北約的盟友並未以其對香港的立場站起來，因為他們擔心北京會限制中國市場的准入。這種膽怯會導致歷史性的失敗，我們無法重複。我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。中國面臨的挑戰要求民主國家發揮作用和精力，民主國家包括歐洲，非洲，南美，尤其是印度太平洋地區。而且，如果我們現在不採取行動，那麼中共最終將侵蝕我們的自由，並顛覆我們的社會努力建立的基於法規的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝，我們孩子的孩子可能會受到中國共產黨的擺佈，中國共產黨的行動是當今自由世界中的主要挑戰。習近平總書記註定不會永遠在中國內外施暴，除非我們允許現在，這與圍堵無關。不要相信這策略。這是我們從未遇到過的複雜的新挑戰。蘇聯與自由世界隔絕了。共產主義中國已經在我們的邊界之內。因此，我們不能獨自面對這一挑戰。聯合國，北約，七國集團國家，二十國集團，我們的經濟，外交和軍事力量合力，如果我們清楚明確地並勇往直前，無疑足以應付這一挑戰。也許是時候讓志趣相投的國家組成一個新的團體，一個新的民主國家聯盟了。我們有工具。我知道我們可以做到。現在我們需要意志。引用聖經經文，我問“要警醒禱告，免得陷入試探。你們心靈雖然願意，肉體卻是軟弱的。”如果自由世界沒有改變 —沒有改變，共產主義中國一定會改變我們。無法因為舒適或便利而返回到過去的做法。確保我們脫離中國共產黨的自由是我們這個時代的使命，而美國完全有能力領導它，因為我們的建國原則為我們提供了這一機會。正如我上週在費城站立時所看到的那樣，注視著獨立廳，我們的國家建立在所有人類都擁有不可剝奪的某些權利的前提下。確保這些權利是我們政府的工作。這是一個簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的自由燈塔，包括中國境內的人。確實，尼克遜在1967年寫道“除非中國改變，否則世界是不安全的”是正確的。現在我們該聽他的話了。今天的危機已經明確了。今天，覺醒正在發生。今天，自由世界必須作出回應。我們永遠無法回到過去。願上帝保佑你們每個人。願上帝保佑中國人民。＇願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國人民。謝謝你們。（掌聲）Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.The world was much different then.We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.And President Trump has said: enough.I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.Today the danger is clear.And today the awakening is happening.Today the free world must respond.We can never go back to the past.May God bless each of you.May God bless the Chinese people.And may God bless the people of the United States of America.Thank you all.(Applause.)

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