今天國際三條線的第一條線:特朗普經濟領導力究竟如何?新冠疫情是個分水嶺
很多朋友來反映,不知為什麼我們要用「特朗普」這個譯名,而不是台灣慣用的「川普」,我在這裡做個說明。
這條新聞來自《華爾街日報》的中文版,這是它的原始標題。三條線在節錄其他媒體的報導一向隻字不改,這是對原報導媒體的尊重,另一方面譯名也反映了媒體的立場,或他的觀眾群,所以我們一向都是保留的。
但的確我們的觀眾以「台灣」為主,很多讀者也反映看得很混亂,我一直在思考要改變一個方式,就是讓觀眾看得順眼,但又能不扭曲原報導。
『三條線馬上要做全面改版,將會一併實施。』
另一個很多朋友來批評《紐約郵報》有關拜登兒子醜聞的獨家報導,我們為什麼一直不選。
我把我的考量跟大家說一說:
《紐約郵報》是個風評很差的報紙,英文維基直指這是個tabloid(八卦報),它最有名的就是page six專寫名人八卦跟醜聞。
這是維基對它的描述:
The Post has been criticized since the beginning of Murdoch's ownership for sensationalism, blatant advocacy, and conservative bias. In 1980, the Columbia Journalism Review stated "New York Post is no longer merely a journalistic problem. It is a social problem – a force for evil."
“郵報自梅鐸取得經營權後,就被批評它的報導是煽動、不實、及保守派的偏見。1980年的哥大新聞評論稱《紐約郵報》不只是有新聞界上的問題,它是一個社會問題,是一個邪惡勢力。”
它被告過很多次,其中包括1996年的奧運傳出恐攻,《紐約郵報》報導一個保全 Richard Jewell 被警方懷疑是嫌犯,許多報導不實誇大,造成Richard jewell很大的困擾,於是對他《紐約郵報》提告,後來郵報賠了一大筆錢做庭外和解,這個案子還被拍成電影就叫 《Richard Jewell》.
後來在波士頓馬拉松恐攻又來了一次,把兩個無辜的民眾說是恐攻嫌犯!
我在紐約住了二十多年,對這個報紙的名聲很熟悉,所以他們的報導如果沒有其他大媒體也報,我通常打個很大的問號。
這次杭特拜登的報導,我的確是看來看去,引述的只有《紐約郵報》,興趣就很低。
但我現在興趣來了,因為臉書跟推特禁掉紐約郵報這個報導,結果引起眾多討論,美國共和黨議員甚至揚言要傳推特來國會說明,這個新聞倒是各大媒體都有,所以我們周一的TODAY看世界會推這條。
我希望這有解答了一些大家的疑問,也很感謝大家對”范琪斐的美國時間”的指教,我們精益求精。
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過23萬的網紅Jordan Tseng,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Hi it's been awhile! This video was made for advocacy of Katemine.Totally 2 month working hours,shot about 5000 pictures. Hope you guys enjoyed it and...
「advocacy中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於advocacy中文 在 范琪斐的美國時間 Facebook
- 關於advocacy中文 在 台灣性別平等教育協會 Tgeea (Taiwan Gender Equity Education Association) Facebook
- 關於advocacy中文 在 許秀雯 律師 Facebook
- 關於advocacy中文 在 Jordan Tseng Youtube
- 關於advocacy中文 在 advocacy中文-Dcard與PTT討論推薦|2022年06月|追蹤網紅動態 的評價
- 關於advocacy中文 在 advocacy中文-Dcard與PTT討論推薦|2022年06月|追蹤網紅動態 的評價
advocacy中文 在 台灣性別平等教育協會 Tgeea (Taiwan Gender Equity Education Association) Facebook 八卦
「每項運動都需要規則,但當我們有一套只針對女性的規則時,那就有問題了。」體育記者 Renata Mendonca(BBC 中文 https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/sports-57968402)
各位同學是否有看到前幾天的新聞呢?挪威沙灘女子手球隊因為穿著短褲比賽,被歐洲手球總會用不符合比賽規定的理由罰款。(https://news.cts.com.tw/cts/international/202107/202107272050866.html)
這個規定,就是「女生必須穿比基尼褲參賽」。
其實,台灣也曾在 2019 年舉辦過沙灘手球賽,而且一樣規定女性運動員必須穿緊身、短到大腿上方的比基尼褲比賽,但男生呢?只要穿短褲就好。
為什麼要定下這種雙重標準的規定呢?是因為這樣比較「養眼」嗎?還是說,難道女生穿比基尼褲會有比較好的表現?這樣針對男女而不同的服裝規定,會對女性運動員的養成教育有什麼影響呢?
讓我們一起看看曾經擔任學校體育老師的 TGEEA 理事江映帆、國小老師翁麗淑的文章分享:https://www.tgeea.org.tw/advocacy/commentary/24212/
這幾天,德國女子體操隊在東京奧運賽場也有類似的倡議行動。她們這次決定不穿高衩褲,而是穿長褲,想要向大家表達運動員可以自由選擇穿高衩褲或長褲,不要用不合理的衣著規定來物化女性運動員的身體。(補充:體操比賽並沒有強制規定女性要穿高衩褲,此為傳統慣例)
這項行動獲得了普遍的讚賞,但當然也有一些反對的聲音,例如,我們可以在新聞媒體的臉書貼文下,看到有網友表示:「乾脆把臉遮起來」、「這跟物化女性有什麼關係」、「之前也有不穿胸罩的運動!那穿胸罩是不是也物化女性?」、「體操運動本來就是要看到人體肌肉在動作時的線條美,不要無限上綱與污名化」(https://www.facebook.com/cnanewstaiwan/posts/6584465058245585)
🟥 我們可以想一想,為什麼德國女子體操隊只是試圖展現「運動員有選擇舒適服裝的自由」,就會出現這樣的反對聲音呢?你會怎麼跟孩子討論這個現象?我們又可以怎麼作來避免自己落入類似的思考盲點呢?
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這樣的輿論也讓人想起,幾年前新北市板橋高中更改服儀規定用字,把「男生穿長褲、女生穿裙子」改成「穿著素面制服褲 (裙) 子,以藍色、黑色為主」,不料引來少數政治人物、民眾的激烈反彈,表示「乾脆叫男生穿丁字褲上學」、「支持女生穿比基尼到校」、「社會亂源」、「不務正業」。(https://www.facebook.com/myudn/posts/10158264469756030)。
🟥 我們也可以想一想,你上班的地方是否有規定「男生只能穿褲子」呢?板橋高中並沒有強迫男同學穿裙子,但為什麼會有民眾擔心這樣會變成「社會亂源」呢?這是一個非常適合同學們一起討論的性別議題,推薦老師們利用課餘時間試試看。(https://www.facebook.com/tgeea.y2002/posts/2710398162367385)
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舉辦線上教師研習,邀請 TGEEA 的老師分享更多教學經驗 & 議題融入技巧:https://www.tgeea.org.tw/speaker-invitation/
如果你支持 TGEEA 推廣的校園性平教育,歡迎贊助我們:https://neti.cc/b6rGr6k
advocacy中文 在 許秀雯 律師 Facebook 八卦
【亞洲究竟何時才會通過同性婚姻?】(中譯)
Foreign Policy 於日前(11/30) 刊出專文報導台灣婚姻平權法案進程,文章以伴侶盟發起「婚姻平權革命陣線」,於 2014/10/5 彩虹圍城行動中,群眾把婚姻平權四個大球推入立院作為開頭。精要勾勒了近年來台灣婚姻平權發展簡史,並詳盡分析了目前法案風雲詭譎的政治情勢,報導也委婉但明確點出,婚姻平權法案的通過與否,正在考驗著蔡總統的領導能力與政治誠信。
原文 參見
http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/11/30/marriage-equality-in-taiwan-isnt-a-done-deal-tsai-ing-wen-legislation-lgbt-taipei/?wp_login_redirect=0
作者/LINDA VAN DER HORST
2016年11月30日
中文翻譯:Tasha Chang
標題:When Will Asia Finally Have Same-Sex Marriage?
亞洲究竟何時才會通過同性婚姻??
Taiwan is on the verge of becoming the first Asian government to legalize marriage equality. But the public is deeply divided.
台灣即將成為亞洲第一個同性婚姻合法化的國家,但輿論仍高度分歧。
In October 2014, a crowd at an LGBT rights rally in Taipei, one of many, lobbed four large red balloons emblazoned with the Chinese characters for marriage equality into the fenced courtyard of Taiwan’s legislature. At that time, a comfortable majority of Taiwanese supported same-sex marriage; a number of polls in the self-governing island of 23 million indicated as much, with one showing as many as 71 percent in favor. But several initiatives to amend the law to achieve marriage equality, first mooted in 2003, have not been successful. Two years later, three marriage equality bills now sit on legislators’ desks; although international media have been quick to announce that Taiwan stands on the cusp of being the first government in Asia to achieve marriage equality, the island’s public seems deeply divided. In the latest poll on the subject, released on Nov. 29, 46 percent of respondents supported marriage equality, while 45 percent opposed it. Meanwhile, Taiwan’s lawmakers and its civil society have been more cautious than recent headlines in Western media suggest.
2014年10月,在架起拒馬的立法院外,有一大群為了同志權益發聲的群眾,高推著四顆分別寫著「婚」、「姻」、「平」、「權」四字的紅色大球,推往立法院的方向。當時,在有著2,300萬人口的台灣,有絕大多數民眾都支持婚姻平權,幾個民意調查也顯示同樣的結果,其中有個調查的支持度甚至還高達71%。然而,最早於2003年所發動,接續欲修法以達成婚姻平權的數個提案,最後都無疾而終。兩年後,三套版本的婚姻平權法案現正擺在立法委員的案前等待審議。雖然國際媒體迅速下了判斷宣告台灣即將成為亞洲第一個達成婚姻平權的國家,但台灣的民意似乎仍高度分歧。最近一次於今年11月29日公布的一份調查指出,46%的受訪者支持婚姻平權,另有45%的受訪者表示反對。同時,相較於西方國際媒體樂觀的報導走向,台灣的立法委員與公民社會的態度反而較為小心謹慎。
Island-wide marriage equality initiatives have been unsuccessful in spite of growing support over decades. Even without national legislation, many local governments in Taiwan now allow same-sex couples to participate in collective weddings and to record their partnership in household registries across the island, although neither action confers any legal rights.
過去數十年,即便婚姻平權的支持度越來越高,推動婚姻平權的行動卻屢遭挫敗。雖然中央尚未立法保障同志權益,台灣有許多地方政府已開放同性伴侶參與聯合婚禮並開放同性伴侶註記,然無論是聯合婚禮還是同性伴侶註記,皆未能給予同性伴侶法律上的權利。
To many, the election of President Tsai Ing-wen and her Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in January portended a broader, deeper change. Tsai openly made statements that appeared to support marriage equality during and after her campaign. In an October 2015 Facebook video posted to coincide with Taipei’s annual LGBT pride parade, Tsai exclaimed, “Everyone is equal before love.” A year later, she posted a photo on her Facebook page showing a rainbow, adding that her “belief has not changed” post-election. In August, Tsai appointed the first transgender official in government, Audrey Tang, as executive councilor for digital policy, which looked like another step toward acceptance of different gender norms.
對於許多人來說,現任總統蔡英文與其所屬政黨民主進步黨(民進黨)在一月總統大選的勝選,預告了更大幅度、更深程度的改變。無論是在選舉期間或當選後,蔡英文數次公開發表支持婚姻平權的文章。2015年10月,為響應臺北的年度同志大遊行,蔡英文的臉書發表了一支影片,影片中的蔡英文說道:「在愛之前,大家都是平等的。」一年過後,她在臉書上發佈了一則彩虹橫跨天際的照片,補充道:「雖然我的身分變了,但是我相信的價值沒有改變」,強調選後立場沒有改變。今年八月,蔡英文內閣任命首位跨性別官員唐鳳擔任政務委員,督導數位經濟與開放政府。此舉看來又是另一個接納不同性別典範的舉措。
Since Tsai took office this May, pressure has been building on her to deliver.
自蔡英文五月就任後,要求實現承諾的壓力升高
Since Tsai took office this May, pressure has been building on her to deliver. Yet she has never explicitly promised that her administration would push for same-sex marriage legislation, and critics have feared that once in office, she would find herself unable to follow through on her progressive rhetoric. The party that Tsai leads, the DPP, “has neither devoted sufficient resources to communicate the issues of marriage equality nor to reconcile differences within the party,” Victoria Hsu, who heads the nonprofit Taiwan Alliance to Promote Civil Partnership Rights (TAPCPR), told Foreign Policy.
蔡英文自今年五月就任後,要求她實現承諾的壓力不斷升高。然而,蔡英文卻從來沒有公開承諾她的行政團隊會推動婚姻平權的立法,批評者認為,一旦就任,蔡英文就無法堅持實現她過往曾發表過充滿進步性的言論。非營利組織台灣伴侶權益推動聯盟理事長許秀雯向《外交政策》表示,「蔡總統所領導的民進黨一直沒有真正投注夠多的資源在婚姻平權議題之上,或去溝通與化解黨內歧見。」
It was therefore a setback when Justice Minister Chiu Tai-san announced in August that his ministry still intended to introduce its own same-sex partnership bill — but only in 2017, after studying the impact of such a law on Taiwanese society. (In Taiwan, ministries can introduce bills into the legislature.) The effort dates back to the previous, more socially conservative Kuomintang (KMT) administration of Ma Ying-jeou and is an attempt to compromise between supporters of marriage equality and religious groups opposed. Proposing a separate law for same-sex partnership is politically easier, as it leaves the institution of marriage as currently constituted unchanged.
於是,當法務部長邱太三在八月宣布,經過研究相關法律對於台灣社會的影響,法務部仍傾向在2017年推出同性伴侶法時(台灣的行政部門可自行推出法案送進立法院審議),對於同志社群來說是一大挫敗。推行同性伴侶法可溯及較為保守的國民黨馬英九政府當權時期,用意在面對支持婚姻平權的群眾與反對婚姻平權的宗教團體中取得妥協。對於當政者而言,推動同性伴侶專法因未修改現行婚姻制度,在政治上的壓力較小。
In the absence of strong top-down leadership on the issue from Tsai, momentum for the bills currently under consideration has come from the bottom up. Audrey Ko, the chief editor of Womany, an online media outlet focused on gender issues and LGBT rights, says a stigma remains for gays and lesbians in Taiwan, one her company seeks to dispel. Other organizations, such as the Taiwan Tongzhi (LGBT) Hotline Association, perform peer counseling and advocacy work. Even corporations are chipping in; in March, McDonald’s released a commercial in which a son comes out to his father in one of its restaurants. (The father accepts it.)
缺少蔡英文「從上而下」貫徹的領導力,對於三個版本婚姻平權法案的支持聲量多來自「由下而上」的力量。關注性別與同志議題的線上媒體女人迷總編輯柯采岑表示,臺灣的同志族群還是被污名化,而女人迷就是想要破除此種污名;其他的組織例如台灣同志諮詢熱線協會則提供同志諮詢服務與倡議。企業也紛紛響應婚姻平權的議題。今年三月,在麥當勞發表的電視廣告中,有一個兒子在麥當勞向自己的父親出櫃(而父親也接受他了)。
This summer, a number of Taiwanese pop artists organized a benefit concert to raise awareness for marriage equality; tickets sold out in minutes. Pop superstar Jolin Tsai performed a lesbian-themed song for the occasion. In the music video for the song “We’re All Different, Yet the Same,” she makes the case for marriage equality by describing the plight of a woman whose partner of more than 30 years is hospitalized; the woman is unable to sign a consent form for emergency surgery because she is legally not a spouse or family member.
今年夏天,有多個臺灣流行音樂藝人組織了一場為婚姻平權而唱的公益演唱會,演唱會門票一開賣就在幾分鐘內售罄。流行樂天后蔡依林在該場演唱會中也演出以女同志為主題的歌。在她的「不一樣又怎樣」的MV中,描述了一對相守30年的女同志伴侶,其中一位因病住院,然她的伴侶卻無法在她需要進行緊急手術時簽署手術同意書,因為她的伴侶並不具有配偶或是親屬的身份。
A real-life version of this tragedy triggered public outcry and reinvigorated support for marriage equality. On Oct. 16, 67-year-old French professor Jacques Picoux fell to his death from the top of a 10-story building in Taipei, police said. He is thought to have committed suicide after depression caused by the death of his partner due to cancer; Picoux was unable to make medical decisions for his partner in his final days, as Picoux had no legal status. In a response to this outcry, legislators from the DPP and the KMT, as well as the caucus of the New Power Party (NPP), a young activist organization, all introduced similar marriage equality bills.
此種悲劇的真實案例引發了社會上強烈的抗議聲浪,推動婚姻平權運動更進一步。在今年10月16日,據警方表示,67歲的法國籍教授畢安生(Jacques Picoux)從位於台北的10樓住家一躍而下身亡。據悉,他有可能是因長期伴侶因癌症過世所引發的憂鬱症而自殺。當畢安生的伴侶在癌症末期時,因他沒有法律地位而無法替伴侶做醫療決定。為了回應關於婚姻平權的呼聲,民進黨與國民黨的立委以及由年輕的社運組織所組成的時代力量的黨團都推出了類似的婚姻平權法案。
All three proposals would amend the Taiwan Civil Code to open marriage to same-sex couples, but they differ in how to do so. DPP legislator Yu Mei-nu’s proposal introduces a general provision extending to same-sex couples the right to marriage, as well as other family law rights that accompany married status. But it leaves further gendered language across the civil code intact. The proposals of KMT legislator Hsu Yu-ren and the NPP would make references to “husband and wife” and “father and mother” gender-neutral throughout all relevant civil code provisions. These latter two proposals have great symbolic meaning, because they remove a heterosexual presumption from the code, but the legal effect is likely no different than Yu’s proposal.
這三個提案都主張修改民法將婚姻制度對同性伴侶開放,但對於如何開放則各有其詮釋。民進黨尤美女的版本採用一概括條款(註:新增民法971-1條)使同性配偶適用夫妻、父母子女等相關權利義務,但保留了民法中「性別化」的法律用語,未加修改。國民黨立委許毓仁與時代力量黨團的版本則將「夫妻」、「父母」等現行民法中的用語性別中立化。許毓仁與時代力量的版本,將異性戀預設的用語「性別中立化」而具有重大的象徵性意義,但若在法律適用結果而論,三個版本並無太大差異。
There is still a long legislative road to travel before Taiwan can become the first Asian government to legalize same-sex marriage. The bills passed their first reading on Nov. 17, but the DPP caucus whip has said the proposed bills will next be reviewed on Dec. 26. During the review process, any legislator can introduce a competing same-sex partnership act. Even if the bills were to enter a second reading, they could still face a boycott and be removed from the agenda. The bills will only become legislation after passing three readings.
臺灣要成為亞洲第一個將同性婚姻合法化的國家,仍有一大段立法之路要走。婚姻平權三版本的民法修正案都在今年11月17日通過了立法院一讀,而民進黨黨團總召表示,下一次審議的時間為12月26日。在審查過程中,任何一位立法委員都可以提出同性伴侶法作為對案。即便三個版本的婚姻平權法案進入了二讀,也還是有可能面臨杯葛而無法排進立法院的議程中。這三個版本的法案要通過三讀才有可能正式成為法律。
As these bills went through their first reading in the legislature this month, thousands of people protesting against marriage equality, and only several hundred rallying for it, gathered on Taipei’s streets.
當三個版本的法案本月在立法院通過一讀後,上千名反對婚姻平權的民眾走上台北街頭集結,當天支持婚姻平權而上街的民眾僅數百人。
As these bills went through their first reading in the legislature this month, thousands of people protesting against marriage equality, and only several hundred rallying for it, gathered on Taipei’s streets. Opposition to marriage equality in Taiwan largely comes from small but well-organized and vocal conservative religious groups. Four people reportedly even managed to storm into the legislative meeting room, shouting that the “legislators are monsters” and would want to change Taiwan “into an AIDS island.”
這三個版本的法案本月都在立法院通過一讀,為此,上千名反對婚姻平權的民眾走上台北街頭集結,然當天上街支持婚姻平權的民眾卻只有數百人。在台灣,大部分反對婚姻平權的民眾來自規模小但組織嚴密且發言聲量大的保守宗教團體。據報載,甚至有四名反對修法的民眾嘗試要衝進立法院司法及法制委員會的會議室,高喊著:「立委都是怪獸」、台灣要變「愛滋島」。
It is hard to tell whether the legislature will pass a same-sex marriage bill this time, says Hsu of TAPCPR, partly because of internal opposition within the DPP and KMT. (The NPP caucus fully supports its bill but only holds five seats in legislature.) Tsai has reiterated that the bills are “clear evidence” marriage equality has support across all parties. But even Yu, who introduced the DPP bill, says she is only cautiously optimistic about the chances of passing a marriage equality law.
台灣伴侶權益推動聯盟理事長許秀雯表示,現在沒有辦法預知立法院是否會通過婚姻平權法案,情勢走向如何,真的很難說。因為主要政黨國民黨及民進黨的立委雖然都有提出婚姻平權民法修正案,但這兩個黨裡面也都有反對者(時代力量雖然全黨都支持婚姻平權,在立法院內也只有五個席次)。蔡英文總統數度表示,不同版本婚姻平權法案的推出,即為此議題獲得跨黨派支持的「明證」。然而,即便是推出民進黨版本婚姻平權法案的尤美女立委也表示,對於婚姻平權是否能過關成為法律,她仍只抱持審慎樂觀的態度。
Outside lawmakers’ offices, the battle for public support continues. If anything, it seems to be waning precisely at the time when it will be most needed. “More and more people are confessing that they love gays but that they don’t support same-sex marriage,” said Ko, because they believe allowing same-sex partners to get married will harm traditional family values. She is therefore unsure whether Taiwan will manage to pass a bill in the next year. At least, Ko added, “people are talking [about it], and it is not a taboo anymore.”
在立法委員的辦公室外,爭取民意支持的戰爭仍未停歇。若真要說,此時此刻婚姻平權運動最需要的是什麼?大概就是更多的支持。女人迷總編輯柯采岑表示,「有越來越多人坦白表示,他們愛同志但是不支持婚姻平權」,因為他們認為,若同性伴侶可以結婚,將損害傳統家庭價值。」她也說,不確定臺灣能否在明年內通過婚姻平權法案。她補充:「但至少,大家都開始討論(婚姻平權法案)了,這再也不是禁忌了。」
advocacy中文 在 Jordan Tseng Youtube 的評價
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