書畫例行展〔筆墨見真章〕2020年第4季全新展件和大家見面!
Revelatory Brushwork: A Guided Journey Through the NPM's Collection of Chinese Calligraphy
【明 文徵明 書蘭亭敘(卷)】Preface to the Orchid Pavilion, Wen Zhengming (1470-1559), Ming dynasty
🔽關於文徵明
文徵明(1470-1559),江蘇長洲人。本名壁,字徵明,以字行,別號停雲生、衡山居士。詩文書畫俱工,亦精鑑藏。
Wen Zhengming (1470-1559) was a native of Changzhou in Jiangsu province. His given name was Bi, and he had the sobriquets He Who Stops the Clouds (Tingyunsheng) and the Recluse of Mount Heng (Hengshan Jushi), but he typically went by his style name, Zhengming. In addition to being an accomplished poet, prosaist, calligrapher, and painter, Wen was also an erudite connoisseur of the arts.
🔽書法賞析:
文氏好寫〈蘭亭敘〉,本卷末自題書於八十九歲。用筆、結字和章法與傳世王羲之(303-361)書〈蘭亭敘〉多不相同,應是意臨之作。筆法內斂含蓄,間架縝密,筆意連綿貫串處,極為自然生動。
Wen Zhengming was fond of making copies of the "Preface to the Orchid Pavilion." In his inscription on the tail end of this scroll, he noted that he was eighty-nine years of age at the time of writing. Wen's brushwork, the structures of the characters, and the overall composition markedly differ from the received version of the "Preface to the Orchard Pavilion" in Wang Xizhi's (303-361) hand, indicating that Wen was making a study of the spirit of Wang's writing, rather than its technical particulars. Here the brushwork is understated and reserved, allowing for finely-structured characters. The many places where brush strokes flow one into the other give the scroll an outstanding sense of natural movement.
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🌐中文:https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh109/calligraphy10909/index.html
🌐English: https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh109/calligraphy10909/en/page-1.html
🌐日本語:https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh109/calligraphy10909/jp/page-1.html
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2萬的網紅阿東RangerEast,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Dark Souls 2(黑暗靈魂2) PC中文版。 今集講乜?密港怪談,魯卡提耶小姐初下海,人生就像雙刃劍,以及各種和內容不符的描述。 另外,角川收購左FROMSOFT了,咁又點? 0m15s - 召喚NPC須知 0m25s - 幻影牆壁 2m13s - 火把小知識 - 翻滾 2m35s -...
「accomplished中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於accomplished中文 在 國立故宮博物院 National Palace Museum Facebook
- 關於accomplished中文 在 人性先覺 Between The Savage Facebook
- 關於accomplished中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook
- 關於accomplished中文 在 阿東RangerEast Youtube
- 關於accomplished中文 在 mission accomplished中文在PTT/Dcard完整相關資訊 的評價
- 關於accomplished中文 在 mission accomplished中文在PTT/Dcard完整相關資訊 的評價
accomplished中文 在 人性先覺 Between The Savage Facebook 八卦
嗨,大家好,我是喬丹
與人性先覺已經共事了三年之久,
今天有件重要地事情要跟各位朋友們說
我從今日後將離開人性先覺了
或許身邊的好友們已經知道了一段時間,
也謝謝你們一直保守這秘密
過去的三年來,從沒有中文名字的Between The Savage,
一群18歲的小子們不斷地衝刺、創作、表演,
是我目前21歲以來最充實及最有意義的事情。
一起半夜寫出第一首歌曲 Leave, but nothing changes的回憶至今歷歷在目。
我也從沒想過能夠跟不一樣的樂團、樂手站在夢想中的場地,一同表演、認識彼此。
到後來參加青春尬歌、山海屯、硬地咖啡等等
最後我們還在今年初發行了首張迷你專輯 It’s Time To Go,完整展現了人性先覺的力量以及精神。
一路走過來,我想謝謝的人實在是太多了,
相信我真的是欠大家很多...(除了脫衣服)
雖然很捨不得,但,我必須在這裡停下腳步了。
我的身體需要休息以及也打算規劃未來的學業,
在這,我只能說
It’s time for me to leave.
話雖如此,大家仍要持支持人性先覺哦!
即將加入的新血將會助BTS一把!
在這裡特別感謝團員們、好朋友們,沒有你們,
就沒有今天的我們。我愛你們
期盼我們大家未來都能夠在某個舞台上再次相遇。
再見 ^____^/
喬丹
Greetings, this is Jordan speaking.
It’s been a great journey with Between The Savage for 3 years.
However, I have made a decision I am no longer a part of the Savages’ member.
During these days, I’ve been struggling to determine my career, academic aspects.
Besides, my physical disease has gotten worse further more, and it’s always an issue to be concerned.
Thus, I have to quit and get more rest to deal with it.
I’m truly grateful for what we’ve accomplished, no matter how worse the circumstances are.
It’s an honor to work with BTS, I know they’ll go on to achieve more goals I can’t even imagine, and I’ll be glad to watch that happen.
Last but not least, I hope you guys can hold your head high to support Between The Savage. They won’t let you down.
I’m so proud to be a part of main role of Savages.
Thank you all for having me along for this chapter.
Goodbye, Jordan.
accomplished中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 八卦
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
accomplished中文 在 阿東RangerEast Youtube 的評價
Dark Souls 2(黑暗靈魂2) PC中文版。
今集講乜?密港怪談,魯卡提耶小姐初下海,人生就像雙刃劍,以及各種和內容不符的描述。
另外,角川收購左FROMSOFT了,咁又點?
0m15s - 召喚NPC須知
0m25s - 幻影牆壁
2m13s - 火把小知識 - 翻滾
2m35s - 教魔法的NPC - 關我什麼事?
3m20s - 年輕人, 請不要斬那條繩
4m15s - 鄭嘉穎: 好X好笑呀X你老X!
4m30s - 第四次死! 鬼叫你講埋d爛GAG
5m00s - 永遠不會變活屍的方法 - 孟母3000
12m30s - 魯卡提耶初登場!!
13m00s - 點解要清場先, 因為Dark Souls 2唔好
13m50s - 放逐罪執行者, 武器又爛, 嬲得我丫
15m40s - 好重要既野, 因為很重要,所以說三次
16m30s - 出發了, 又走lu, 九唔撘八的設計
18m25s - Fromsoft又犯了一個低級的錯誤
19m13s - 關於Fromsoft被角川收購
21m45s - 上級騎士套裝 - 一套充滿美好回憶的套裝
24m05s - 我必須承認Dark Souls2係一隻好game
24m22s - 唔好意思都要講一句, 我又GG了, 第五次死
26m45s - 完美的復仇
27m20s - 海德之槍
27m55s - 正當商/傷人
30m00s - 終於讀岩左遺忘囚籠
30m20s - 你點解要踢到個桶有西?
31m40s - 乜咁岩呀? 魯卡提耶
33m33s - 古老鑰匙的伏筆
34m00s - Dark Souls2又關3D玉蒲團事?
34m55s - 這裡是一個陷阱
36m10s - 好o尋呀你
37m27s - mission accomplished - 雙刃劍 Get!
39m20s - 雙刃劍示範

accomplished中文 在 mission accomplished中文在PTT/Dcard完整相關資訊 的八卦
提供mission accomplished中文相關PTT/Dcard文章,想要了解更多complete用法、完成accomplish英文、mission accomplished中文有關歷史與軍事文章或書籍, ... ... <看更多>
accomplished中文 在 mission accomplished中文在PTT/Dcard完整相關資訊 的八卦
提供mission accomplished中文相關PTT/Dcard文章,想要了解更多complete用法、完成accomplish英文、mission accomplished中文有關歷史與軍事文章或書籍, ... ... <看更多>