蕭叔叔短評被譽為「人生有呢種朋友不枉此生」的黃仁龍那十頁紙求情信
全文:
http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001
(報章轉載錯漏不少,敬請留意)
I have known Mr Donald Tsang since 2005. As Secretary for Justice (SJ), I worked closely with Donald as Chief Executive (CE) between October 2005 and June 2012. In addition to official dealings, I consider Donald to be a good friend and someone I admire for his dedication to public service.
Donald's over 40 years of service and contribution to Hong Kong is a matter of public record. Others will speak to his key role in helping Hong Kong weather through stormy financial crises. Here I would refer to his significant contributions to the public based on my own personal experience particularly in the area of the rule of law in Hong Kong.
During my 7-year tenure as SJ, I had on numerous occasions tendered legal advice to Donald as CE. He would sometimes debate with me and test the basis of the advice; but he has never acted against such legal advice. This in itself is a remarkable attribute as the head of the HKSAR.
Donald always said to me the Governors he previously worked with, however headstrong, would always abide by the legal advice of the Attorney General, and it is important that the CE of the HKSAR should stay that way.
Congo Case
One of the most important tasks, if not the most important task, of the CE of HKSAR is to faithfully and effectively implement the principle of “one country, two systems.” The power of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) to interpret the Basic Law and its exercise have always been considered a major challenge to the post-1997 constitutional order.
During my tenure as SJ, the NPCSC interpreted the Basic Law once in 2011. That was upon the reference by the Court of Final Appeal (CFA) on the question of state immunity. The issue in the case is whether the People’s Republic of China’s doctrine of absolute immunity (under which no foreign state can be sued in the court at all) should be followed in Hong Kong. Prior to 1997, Hong Kong’s common law provided for restrictive immunity, where foreign states could be sued if the dispute arouse out of commercial transactions.
The HKSAR Government lost in the Court of First Instance and in the Court of Appeal. If the Government were to lose again in the CFA, it could stir up serious political and economic repercussions for China particularly vis-à-vis her African friends. National interest of China was at stake. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was understandably very concerned.
Immense political pressure mounted. There were suggestions that Beijing should not take any risk but should consider taking more definitive measures such as an interpretation of the Basic Law before the appeal was heard. If that were to happen, on the eve of the appeal hearing, the damage to judicial independence would not be less than an overriding post-judgment interpretation.
I cannot go into further details for confidentiality reasons. However, I can testify that Donald has been solid and staunch in endorsing my stance against any extra-judicial measure in view of its adverse impact on the rule of law.
Owing in no small part to Donald’s endorsement and resolve, the Central People’s Government (CPG) was content to trust the HKSAR Government and the CFA, and to leave the appeal to be heard by the highest court, despite grave risk and many conflicting views given by others. At the end, the Government won in the CFA by a majority of 3 to 2. The Court further referred the relevant Basic Law provisions to Beijing for interpretation, as required under Article 158 of the Basic Law, before pronouncing the final judgment. A huge constitutional crisis was warded off. The rule of law had prevailed.
Over this difficult episode, I know Donald had been under tremendous pressure. I remember often times he suffered from acute acid reflux before and after major discussions. Yet he stood firm throughout.
As CE, Donald had faithfully discharged the indispensable trust reposed by both the CPG and by Hong Kong. He had the courage to stand by what he believes to be right and the ability to address mutual concerns and to strengthen mutual understanding. He had performed well the crucial bridging role in the two-way process under “one country, two systems” at critical times.
Constitutional Reform
There was another important event in which Donald’s principled stance had been vital in achieving a favourable result for Hong Kong: constitutional reform.
Although no change could be made of the imminent 2017 CE election method due to the set-backs in 2016, during Donald’s tenure as CE, he has been made significant contributions toward moving Hong Kong closer to universal suffrage.
The first landmark was achieved, with tremendous efforts by the core team under Donald’s lead, when the NPCSC delivered its decision in December 2007 setting out “the timetable” and “road map” for universal suffrage in terms of the elections of CE and Legco.
Second, in 2010, the Government managed to secure Legco’s support to pass the 2012 constitutional reform package. Here, Donald had played a pivotal role, one perhaps not many are aware of.
Whether the 2012 reform package could be passed in 2010 was crucial to ensure “gradual and orderly progress” and that the next round (i.e. the intended goals of universal suffrage in electing CE in 2017) could be achieved.
In June 2010, the original government proposal was losing support and hope was vanishing for it to be passed at Legco. Time was running out. Whether to modify the package by incorporating a proposal of the Democratic Party (i.e. the additional 5 District Council Functional Constituency seats to be elected by over 3 million electorate, “the new DCFC election method”) appeared to be the lynchpin.
Without going into details again for confidentiality reasons, I can again testify that the make-or-break moment was when Donald made the timely and difficult decision to revise the package by incorporating the new DCFC election method. It was an agonizing decision for him as he had to override certain internal opposition and to risk personal credibility and trust before the CPG. As an insider, I know that decision was not a political manoeuvre but a selfless act for the sake of the long-term wellbeing of Hong Kong and the smooth transition toward universal suffrage.
Son of Hong Kong
Donald is truly a “son of Hong Kong” (香港仔). His genuine concern for the public good is most vividly demonstrated when Hong Kong was caught in crises of one kind of another.
Hong Kong went through attacks of avian flu and swine flu. Donald tirelessly headed the cross-bureau task forces and chaired long and intensive meetings. I remember more than once Donald being caught in very heated debates with colleagues, pushing them to the limit to mobilize maximum resources and manpower, in order to give the public maximum protection against these outbreaks. He would grill colleagues over thorny issues such as requisitioning hotels as places of quarantine, not satisfied with the usual civil service response of reluctance, as lives of many were at stake.
Over the Manila hostage incident in August 2010, Donald vigorously pressed the President of the Philippines for full investigation, joining the victims’ families and the rest of Hong Kong to cry for justice, although his action raised eyebrows as foreign affairs strictly is a matter of the CPG under Article 13 of the Basic Law.
Donald had a strong concern for young people. During my tenure, exceptionally I was commissioned to chair a Steering Committee to combat drug abuse by youth. The public might not realize this initiative in fact came from Donald. He was deeply concerned and alarmed by the reports reflecting the seriousness of the problem. He was determined to tackle the problem pro-actively. The Steering Committee was unprecedented, involving concerted and strategic efforts of different departments and bureaus. More importantly, Donald was instrumental in putting in substantial and sustainable resources to strengthen the efforts. The figures of reported drug abusers, particularly among young abusers, have seen significant decline in the past few years.
Other contributions on the rule of law
There was no shortage of controversial cases involving judicial reviews and fundamental human rights. Amidst other voices and political pressure, Donald had fully taken on board the legal position that the Government has a positive duty to protect such rights, including taking reasonable and appropriate measures to enable lawful demonstrations to take place peacefully.
Further, Donald also readily took on my advice regarding procedural fairness in handling Government businesses with quasi-judicial element such as administrative appeals.
Donald truly believes in judicial independence. He assured me repeatedly the independent and internationally renowned Judiciary in the HKSAR is our pride and the cornerstone of our success. His personal commitment to this cause is manifested in his positive response in acceding to many recommendations of the Mason Report endorsed by the Standing Committee on Judicial Salaries and Conditions of Service.
Furthermore, his conviction on the importance of the law as Hong Kong’s assets was amply manifested in his exceptional support in the development of Hong Kong’s capacity as an international arbitration centre. Donald was very understanding on the need of expansion on this front and had put in personal efforts to make it happen. He was instrumental in enabling resources are in place to secure additional space for the Hong Kong International Arbitration Centre, and to procure the arbitration arm of the International Chamber of Commerce and the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission to set up regional offices in Hong Kong.
A fair man who has given much to the public
Before joining the Government, I was an Election Committee member of the Legal Subsector elected on the same ticket as Ms Audrey Eu, Mr Alan Leong and other vocal barristers. In that capacity, in 2005, I first met Donald in an election forum where I questioned him harshly and criticised the Government’s earlier attitude over certain rule of law issues. Instead of bearing any grudge, in the late summer of 2005, Donald invited me to take up the post as SJ, assuring me that he would give me full support in upholding the rule of law in Hong Kong. That quality of fairness in Donald and that personal assurance to me have never slackened in the following 7 years in which I served in his cabinet.
As CE of the HKSAR, Donald had truly poured himself out. I strongly believe his significant contributions to Hong Kong in the past over 4 decades should be properly recognized.
Dated the 20th day of Februray 2017.
Wong Yan Lung SC
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【讓膠水飛,飛出國際】
香港再次揚威國際!美國 The Daily Show 稱讚香港警察玩膠好高招!根據CNN 5月18日報導,主持人一開節目就忍唔住要講咗香港呢單大新聞!
Some interesting news coming out of Hong Kong. Here in Hong Kong ,pro-democracy activists , have been gathering in the downtown business district as the top Chinese official Cheung Tak Kwong is in town and the police has been trying to shield him from the protestors. Rallies are confined in designated zones. Authorities have also glued down pavement bricks to prevent them from being thrown. They started gluing down their sidewalks? so that protestors can’t grub the bricks and throw them? You got to admit that is a pretty smart solution. Yeah, because It stops the violence and also makes the protestors look weak. I’ll show government hm.. hm… You know I will just write a letter and then i want to go to the gym. It is also interesting logic from the Chinese government ¸ they are basically like “Hey should we spend some money and address the concerns of our citizens? Nah, Let’s buy glue, We’ll buy glue!"
Original link :
CNN:
http://edition.cnn.com/2016/05/16/asia/hong-kong-china-top-official-sidewalks-glued-down/
The Daily Show:
http://www.cc.com/video-clips/0ki8t8/the-daily-show-with-trevor-noah-china-s-crafty-response-to-pro-democracy-protests
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[HOW WOULD YOU ESCAPE NORTH KOREA? (THE 7 CHOICES)]
If you were living in North Korea right now - trying to survive on a diet of rats, grass, soil and tree bark, quenching your thirst by drinking out of mud puddles in the ground - what would you do?
There's also the conceivable chance of being sent to a political prison camp for years on end just because you innocently thought out loud one day to a bunch of friends (North Korean propaganda is strong), where you are then beaten, tortured, and left so hungry that you are forced to dig and consume the grains out of faeces, or the maggots from dead bodies just so you have the energy to perhaps last one more day.
You'd probably wanna escape. But how?
The North Korean government in Pyongyang refuses to let its citizens leave, a clear violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, viewing North Korean defectors as traitorous criminals. Captured North Koreans would be subject to unimaginable torture and often public executions.
If they are successful in their escape, then three to four generations of their family back home would be sent to North Korean prison camps to rot ....or worse. This is a strong deterrent.
But this still doesn't stop desperate North Koreans from tempting fate. In this video, I'll go over the seven ways to escape the DPRK, including the most dangerous, the most unforgiving, the most unique, and the most unexpected.
The North Korean border on the south side (ie. South Korean border / Korean DMZ) is the shortest distance to travel for safety and stability but as a result, the regime makes it dangerously hard. A North Korean escapee can be shot down by North Korean soldiers (border guards) or step on the many landmines in the area.
The northern border to China has it's own set of challenges. Most North Korean refugees escape through this way, usually crossing the Tumen River border (like the famous North Korean defector Hyeonseo Lee). Once in China, the nightmare doesn't end there.
There are also other, more unconventional ways you can try to escape such as through North Korean labor camps.
Even if you make it to safety and resettle in a stable country, the North Korean regime will still try to hunt you down, so you're never truly safe. Especially if you're an outspoken critic or a threat to Kim Jong-un's power - just ask his half brother, Kim Jong-nam.
Sources:
https://web.archive.org/web/20070303203248/http://www.hrnk.org/refugeesReport06.pdf
http://bushcenter.imgix.net/legacy/gwb_north_korea_executive_summary_r4.pdf
https://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/16/world/asia/north-korean-soldier-braves-dmz-to-defect-to-south.html
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/northkorea/11033003/North-Korean-pair-swim-across-sea-border-to-defect-to-South-Korea.html
http://time.com/4205785/london-new-malden-north-korean-refugees/

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Tat It Up lyrics - Mindset feat. Twopee Southside Dennis Thaikoon SD Thaitanium
Hook: I'm gonna tat tat tat it up rap rap rap it up they call me เด็ก rap see me catching a mic I'm gonna tat tat tat it up rap rap rap it up รอยสัก like soundtrack of my life we love this we love this every tat means somethin' we love this we love this like all my lines all my raps every track means somethin'
Mindset: tat tat tat it up we gotta ink it up fine line freestyle you know i fill it up โตมาต้องทำธุรกิจเเต่ fuck this ก็เสื้อเชิ้ตเเละ necktie yeah i suit it up ใครด่าเเต่กูไม่สนใจ คนคุกเด็กเวนนักเลงมันหนักหัวใคร ก็ยอมที่จะโดนเกลียด being myself ยังดีกว่าให้ถูกรัก being someone else sleeve on my left arm a gun and birthtime a clown rockin' a mic thats how i first rhyme first time พ่อเเม่อยู่บนกาย represent ศิลปะ represent สักลาย full back ribcage when i blaze had it all 86 even tiger face be what you wanna be do what you wanna do คนไทยดูที่ใจไปให้ไกล yeah we tattoo
Hook: I'm gonna tat tat tat it up rap rap rap it up they call me เด็ก rap see me catching a mic I'm gonna tat tat tat it up rap rap rap it up รอยสัก like soundtrack of my life we love this we love this every tat means somethin' we love this we love this like all my lines all my raps every track means somethin'
Twopee: whats whats whats happenin ไม่บ่อยครั้งที่เด็ก rap in the magazine just young kid try na rap but on my back na king mister cartoon on right arm but i aint maxican insane call em ink boy ขาวดำ classic think about pinkfloyd feel the pain so u can feel how i feel หมึกหมดเเต่ได้ feel so you need some more ink boy all them girls try na bite it ขนาดไม่ pop pill but fan กู still dun even like it ของมาส่งจะรับสายกด slide ดิ ไม่ need หรอก white girl tonite but white bitches keep rep reppin for my click ดูที่เข็มทิศนิดssทั้ง4ทิศ รอยสักเหมือนเเร็พกู more fame for gain more pain i get more tattoo
Hook: I'm gonna tat tat tat it up rap rap rap it up they call me เด็ก rap see me catching a mic I'm gonna tat tat tat it up rap rap rap it up รอยสัก like soundtrack of my life we love this we love this every tat means somethin' we love this we love this like all my lines all my raps every track means somethin'
Dennis: กูสักเต็มตัวเเต่ไม่ใช่ yakuza I say "HELL YEAH" ถ้ามีใครบอกว่ากูบ้า taking the pain like it ain't No thang thang when the needle gun go bang bang haha Westcoast California tatted Dennis Thaikoon ทำให้พวกมึง mad as fuck throw yo' muthafucking x's up LA, Thaitown aka Los Angeles we get it poppin' over here homie ดูดปุ๊น you know it's California KUSH only and my bitch got tats too อายุสิบห้า that's when i got my first tattoo Ugh, กู get high เหมือน Bob Marley music and tattoos that's what we do all day tats on my right arm tats on my left บนหลังสักเจ้าเเม่กวนอิม cuz she got my back
SD: ตัวมันเลอะเทอะเปรอะเปื้อน ไม่ใช่โรคเรื้อน แต่จะทำให้โลกเคลื่อน Tattoo บอกเล่าเป็นเรื่อง ไม่ได้ศักดิ์ศรีแต่รอยสักเป็นพยานสักขี I'm so disgusting dirty rap shit no mercy in this game I make hits haha I was born from the blacklist can stop rock me up call rock smith I won't stop ink my whole body out like mister wiz to the north to the south to the east to the west It's Thaitay baby baby You know what I am about ดูดปุ๊น ดูด weed and blow to the cloud แม่งโคตรจะเมา This is how do you it This is how we get down

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คลิปนี้ไม่มีไรมากครับ
แค่จะมาสอนเล่นตัวฟรีที่โกงตัวนึง
หวังว่าเพื่อนๆจะชอบความแรงนี้กันนะครับ
ขอให้สนุกกับวิดีโอครับ
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