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Russian Arms Project 2020✨✨✨
DMG custom Breastplate plate carrier full gear version
coming now💖💖
Hmm…just some idea from mobile game-Girls' Frontline
I really love that D.E.F.Y Squad's gear setting🤖
anyway,In this new spring term my first objective still is keep my Russian toys collection🎶
【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：
While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.
After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.
This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.
The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws
Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.
The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.
Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”
In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.
Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.
Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates
An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?
The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”
If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.
Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.
Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”
Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.
Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship
Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.
In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.
Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.
The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.
These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.
Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.
▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ
Character: Suomi
Game: Girls Frontline KR
Cosplayer: 토미아 (Tomiaaa)
Photographer: 시준님
www.facebook.com/Tomia.OfficialPage
✨ 300,000 Subscribers Special Video
✨ 30萬訂閱特別影片
✨ チャネル30万登録者記念
Hi, I'm SLS. Here's our 300k special video. I recorded this video for almost a whole afternoon. NG several times, and It's pretty hard for me playing on an unfamiliar piano, especially a heavy one like Steinway. I've tried my best. All the songs you heard in this video are the songs we've done before in this channel. (or in the future LOL) They're the memories for both you and me.
I wanna thank to Sigfrid Art Center for offering the place and the Steinway piano, and thank to my cinematographer Santon.W for helping me with everyone on video. Thanks to Tt and Emma for helping me that day. None of these happen without your help. hope you like this video.
Anyway, thank you all for making this happen. I'll work harder and try to make SLSMusic better and better, bring you more music contents in the future. As always, we'll upload video every Friday, and do live streaming on the weekends. Don't miss it!
嗨我是SLS，30萬影片來了。在這部影片中你所有聽到的30首樂曲都是在這個頻道上我們曾經演奏過的音樂，對我來說這部影片不只是個普通的串燒，也代表著過程與回憶。
這部影片錄了一整個下午，除了直接一口氣彈30首不能停腦袋要轉的過來有點難度以外，因為是不熟悉的（當天第一次碰）史坦威重琴，實在是讓我吃了些苦頭，這次也要特別感謝「齊格飛藝術中心」提供場地，及超強攝影師仙桶Santon.W讓我可以沒有後顧之憂的專心錄音，也要感謝桌球和Emma當天幫我處理很多事情，沒有你們的幫忙這部影片絕對出不來。
一路走到30萬也經歷了許多風風雨雨，想說的話都在影片後面了，這裡就不多說。對了，怕有些人還不知道，我們頻道開啟了會員系統，除了有每週樂譜、音檔、直播檔等福利，最近還新增了Discord會員限定聊天群組，如果想進一步支持SLSMusic的粉絲歡迎加入會員給與我們實質上的支持！感謝大家一路以來的支持，接下來我還是會更加努力去帶給大家新作品。每週都會發佈新影片、隔週會做線上音樂會直播，千萬別錯過。我是SLS，我們下週見！
00:00 Start!
00:11 Hataraku Saibou / CheerS - ClariS / はたらく細胞
00:26 One Piece / One Day - Rootless
00:52 Fate/stay Night / Brave Shine - Aimer
01:13 Nier:Automata / Weight of the World
02:08 No Game No Life Zero / There is a Reason - 鈴木このみ
02:54 Tokyo Ghoul / Katharsis - TK from 凛として時雨
03:28 From the Abyss / Deep in Abyss 來自深淵
04:04 Naruto / Blue Bird - Ikimonogatari いきものがかり
04:25 Your Lie in April / Hikarunara 光るなら - Goose House
04:47 Naruto / Departure to the Frontline 出陣
05:32 Secret Base ~Kimi ga Kureta Mono~ 君がくれたもの
06:30 Mahou Tsukai No Yome 魔法使いの嫁 / Here - Junna
07:01 Violet Evergarden / Sincerely - TRUE
07:34 Kimetsu no Yaiba 鬼滅の刃 / Gurenge 紅蓮華- LiSA
08:09 No Game No Life / This Game - 鈴木このみ
08:45 Fullmetal Alchemist 鋼の錬金術師 / Again - Yui
09:09 Sword Art Online / Swordland
10:15 A Cruel Angel's Thesis 残酷な天使のテーゼ
10:33 My Hero Academia 僕のヒーローアカデミア 我的英雄學院
/ Peace Sign - Kenshi Yonezu 米津玄師
10:59 Karakuri Pierrot - 40mP
11:37 Fairy Tail / Main Theme
11:54 One Piece / Share The World - TVXQ 東方神起
12:16 Guilty Crown / My Dearest - supercell 罪惡皇冠
12:53 Laputa: Castle in the Sky - Joe Hisaishi 天空の城 / 久石讓
13:32 Digimon Adventure デジモン / Brave Heart
14:22 Gun Gale Online / Ryuusei - Eir Aoi 藍井エイル
14:36 Pokemon / XYZ - Matsumoto Rika 松本梨香
14:53 Domestic Girlfriend ドメスティックな彼女 / Kawaki wo Ameku カワキヲアメ
15:02 Detective Conan 名探偵コナン / 渡月橋 - Mai Kuraki 倉木麻衣
15:48 Senbonzakura 千本桜 - Kurousa-P 黒兎P
17:21 BONUS!!!
🎶 每週五上傳影片、隔週有直播音樂會，記得開啟YouTube🔔通知！
🏓加入頻道會員獲得樂譜、支持SLSMusic創作 ► http://www.youtube.com/slsmusic/join
🎁完整樂譜、旋律和弦譜、MIDI檔、直播存檔等福利
🎤Social Media / 社群
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✅LINE 貼圖 ► https://store.line.me/stickershop/product/7239025
🥁贊助 DONATION
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✨Cinematographer / Santon.W
https://www.instagram.com/santon.w/
✨特別感謝「齊格飛藝術中心」提供此次拍攝場地及史坦威鋼琴
齊格飛藝術中心 Sigfrid Artcenter ► https://www.facebook.com/sigfridartcenter/
齊格飛音樂行 Sigfrid Music ► https://www.facebook.com/sigfridmusic/
官方網站 ► https://www.sigfrid.com.tw/
蝦皮賣場 ► https://shopee.tw/sigfridmusic2014
地址 ► 台北市中山區龍江路147號B1
#Anisong #Piano #Medley
這款2D橫向射擊遊戲Frontline即使現在回去玩，也十分具有挑戰性!非常推薦沒玩過的大家可以下載來玩喔!
下載網址▶▶http://mclover.net/Program/FLine.htm
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▼啾啾鞋的人氣影片▼
我是如何考到多益910分的?
https://bit.ly/2uaA62k
牛排的血水根本不是血!
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VEVO是什麼?
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驗光機裡面的農場、熱氣球是什麼?
https://bit.ly/2KRg5IQ
在路上撿到隨身碟，你會...?
https://bit.ly/2ytI7E5
還好我也退了! 當兵心得文
http://bit.ly/2AjxbWI
背景音樂Background Music:
epidemicsound.com
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ไม่รู้จะพูดอะไรอ่ะ มันส์จริงๆ เอาลิงค์โหลดไป
1. Dragon Nest M
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2. Friday the 13th Puzzle
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3. Mobile Battleground Frontline
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5. Touch Grind BMX2
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