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所謂成長，就是放開那些熟悉的，然後走向那些未知的。
Growing up is about letting go of the familiar and walking into the unknown.
與森林共舞 (The Jungle Book), 2016
中文電影介紹：https://goo.gl/ehbDpi
毛格利是一個人類的小孩，卻在叢林裡被狼群養大。雖然有狼群保護，但被其他動物們視為異類的他，還是得要面對叢林裡許多無情的挑戰。加上他是人類的事實，不禁讓他時常思考，自己到底是誰。他該如何才能在叢林裡找到屬於自己的天地呢？
去年全球營收第五名的好電影，今天晚上21:00，東森洋片台要首播喔！
<心得>
你是否有過「內心的聲音在告訴你」的這種時刻？冰雪奇緣2說的就是這樣的故事。
先來回顧一下第1集，會大成功的元素如下：
1、主角終於不是公主
原本Elsa在童話版本是大反派，迪士尼做了史無前例的更動，尤其是「Let it go」更是Elsa的出櫃宣言隱喻，導致了頭一次主角變成「女王」，「公主」Anna的人氣甚至不如Elsa（以周邊銷量來說也是啦）。
2、公主不再是王子來拯救
這點也是展現了迪士尼在故事上嘗試更多的「多元性」，真愛不一定是王子、也有可能是你的家人，甚至還加入了王子其實是反派的反轉元素。
3、朗朗上口的歌曲
這點就...不用多說了吧？迪士尼真的是撿到寶，期待這對夫妻導演能夠製作更多經典歌曲。
綜合以上三項元素，大家發現原來「傳統到不行」的迪士尼，也是可以隨著時代潮流轉變的，所以才導致了這部片意外的熱賣。
畢竟這三項元素放在現今已經不新了，很多電影早就具備這樣的基本公式，但就是因為迪士尼也做出了轉變，所以第一集「指標性」的意義成分居多。
到了續集，大家難免會放更高的期待，但個人對續集的喜愛度是勝過首集。
「Into the unknown」
歌名很簡單的點出整部片的主軸，雖說續集歌曲傳唱度不如首集朗朗上口（根本是難唱等級！一直飆高音），但是屬於越陳越香型。還記得首集看完時那陣子聽原聲帶都是「雞皮疙瘩」、但這次在聽續集的原聲帶常常是「熱淚盈眶」，會跟自己的人生有共鳴。
「Into the unknown」跟「Show Yourself」歌詞背後其實探討的都是很嚴肅的議題，電影劇情就是圍繞在「你敢突破舒適圈嗎？」、「世界上的事物是否永恆不變？」而這兩個恰恰好就是Elsa跟Anna必須面對的課題。
當然電影不可能太過於的嚴肅探討（拜託這是迪士尼耶），「雪寶」自然而然就派上用場了（這集雪寶依然好笑），這一直以來都是迪士尼的強項，甘草人物讓過度嚴肅的劇情有了「軟化」的空間（當然，也有了賺錢的空間）。所以我說，花木蘭真人版你真的要刪掉木須龍（大離題）？
至於評價兩極的「Lost in the Woods」？我是很喜歡這種致敬80年代MV的梗啦（還致敬了一下皇后合唱團），拜託你都花三分鐘看Elsa沒意義的換裝秀了，嫌阿克這三分鐘對劇情沒任何幫助？照這邏輯整部片其實都不用唱歌耶，幾句台詞就可以演完啦幹嘛要唱？但是在哈囉？這是歌舞片耶（又離題想吵架了）。
總之，續集是一場很典型的英雄尋根大冒險，有歡笑、有歌聲、還能騙到你一點眼淚。最後當然還有Elsa的新衣服、新髮型（預告內沒出現過），完全是婚禮標配，美翻天（再度離題）。
雖然很捨不得跟這些角色說再見，但覺得這集已經是完美結局，畢竟迪士尼可是史無前例的製作在院線上映的公主電影，這點破例已讓我滿足。
二刷想看中文版，迪士尼的中文版一直以來唱歌也會改成中文，品質也都有一定的水準～
如果你最近對未知感到害怕、很需要點勇氣，那很推薦你去看這部片。
※ 另外，很推薦這次「Into the unknown」的流行版、難得是男生唱終於可以讓我們練練歌了哈哈哈哈！
※ 小知識：通常迪士尼的歌舞動畫主題曲會分為「電影版」跟「流行版」，流行版是宣傳用、會找流行歌手演唱，通常都會放在電影片尾字幕放，而且會比電影版紅。比如「海洋奇緣」中文版電影就是吳以悠唱、片尾跟宣傳MV就是A-Lin唱這樣。但「Let it go」是特例，難得電影版比流行版紅XD！
※ 這次的歌曲真的比首集多很多，原聲帶甚至有收錄沒剪入正片的歌曲，有幾首也很好聽快去聽。
※ 冰雪奇緣1首週票房甚至才第二名，後來才因為口碑票房暴衝，最後打破紀錄佔據在北美票房排行榜長達16週。日本票房也打破紀錄賣了254.6億日圓排名影史第三（第一跟第二名分別為「神隱少女」跟「鐵達尼號」），後來的「你的名字」也追不過此紀錄。
※ 好了我的註太多了，畢竟身為一個迪士尼迷，話題一開就停不下來了。
📸 IG天天更新 ➡ http://lnk.pics/4MANK
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
The Joy of Creation: Story Mode play through the eyes of Scott Cawthon and his family, as they try to survive inside their own home on the dreadful night that brought the horror into reality, the scorched beings whose origin and motives are yet unknown. Find the secrets lurking in the house, and uncover the mysterious events that led to the cancellation of the next game in the series....
《創作的樂趣:故事模式》中將以Scott Cawthon及其家人的經歷作爲藍圖，他们试图在可怕的夜晚在自己的家中生存，來探索前所未有的恐怖。 玩家將嘗試找到在房子里的秘密，并发现导致一下個玩具熊午夜后宮系列取消背後的的原因。。。
LIKE & SHARE 如果你還想要看我玩下去哦 ;DD
Part 2 : https://goo.gl/BkWuBh
之前的單人模式：https://goo.gl/g6difT
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The Joy of Creation: Story Mode play through the eyes of Scott Cawthon and his family, as they try to survive inside their own home on the dreadful night that brought the horror into reality, the scorched beings whose origin and motives are yet unknown. Find the secrets lurking in the house, and uncover the mysterious events that led to the cancellation of the next game in the series....
《創作的樂趣:故事模式》中將以Scott Cawthon及其家人的經歷作爲藍圖，他们试图在可怕的夜晚在自己的家中生存，來探索前所未有的恐怖。 玩家將嘗試找到在房子里的秘密，并发现导致一下個玩具熊午夜后宮系列取消背後的的原因。。。
LIKE & SHARE 如果你還想要看我玩下去哦P ;DD
Part 3 : https://youtu.be/9_qKV8_xAxg
Part 1開始看清單 : https://goo.gl/HmExfS
關注我的Youtube : http://goo.gl/3TVkJT
關注老吳FB: http://goo.gl/c0a2DW
直播副頻道 : https://goo.gl/oiM4vk
《Midnight Sun》
VOICE / 夢喚
作詞 / Lyricist： aimerrhythm
作曲 / Composer：飛内将大
編曲 / Arranger：玉井健二、飛内将大
歌 / Singer： Aimer
翻譯：夏德爾
English Translation: Nakari Amane (Dreamsland lyrics)
背景 / Background - 与众不同 - 白の狐 :
https://www.pixiv.net/artworks/75690947
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Please support the original creator.
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中文翻譯 / Chinese Translation :
https://home.gamer.com.tw/creationDetail.php?sn=2642775
英文翻譯 / English Translation :
https://dreamslandlyrics.blogspot.com/2014/06/aimer-voice-lyrics.html
日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
一人では長すぎる夜 ねえ 今夜夢は見られるの?
叶わない願いを胸に 漏れるため息が虚しい
できるなら こんな感情(おもい)は 失くしたってかまわない
どうして 涙を流してるんだろう?
どうして 悲しい顔なの?
どうして 忘れてしまわないんだろう?
どうして 声にならないんだろう?
わからない ただそばにいたかっただけだよ?
誰のものでもない不安が 光る街並を 滲ませる
あふれだす記憶を置いて 行き交う人波は 知らん顔
届かない こんな声なら 失くしたってかまわない
どうして 涙が止まらないんだろう?
どうして 触れてほしいんだろう?
どうして 綺麗になりたいんだろう?
どうして 声が聞きたいんだろう?
わからない ただそばにいたかっただけだよ?
どうして 涙を流してるんだろう?
悲しく言葉は宙を舞う
どうして 忘れてしまわないんだろう?
どうして こんなに苦しい?
わからない ただそばにいたかっただけ
どうして 涙が止まらないんだろう?
どうして 心が痛むの?
どうして こんなに声が聞きたいんだろう?
どうして 声にできないんだろう?
わからない
ただそばにいただけなんだと
中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
對一個人太過漫長的夜，今晚，到底能不能有個美夢？
將無法實現的願望深埋胸口，只有漏出的嘆息，撫慰著這樣的空虛
若是可以，我寧願不要這樣的夢
到底是為什麼，我流著眼淚？
為什麼，板著一臉的悲傷？
是為什麼，無法忘卻這些記憶？
又是因為什麼，無法喊出這份思念？
為什麼會如此痛苦，我明明，就只是想要在你的身旁而已啊？
那份，不屬於其他人的不安，模糊了街道的燈火通明
將無法埋藏的記憶留在來往的人群，卻也沒有任何人在乎
如果是無法觸及你的聲音什麼的，失去，也就都無所謂了
那麼到底為什麼，我無法停止哭泣？
是為什麼，會希望你能觸碰我呢？
究竟是為什麼，想要變得更漂亮？
又是為什麼，想要聽你的聲音？
為何如此難熬，我明明，就只是想要在你的身旁而已啊？
流下的眼淚，是為了什麼？
只有話語的哀傷在空中泅泳
無法忘卻，又是因為什麼？
如此難耐，到底是為什麼？
為什麼呢？我僅是希望你能在我的身邊而已——
為什麼無法壓抑淚水？
為什麼會如此的心痛？
如此渴望你的聲音，又是為什麼？
呼喚不出聲音，又到底是為什麼？
為什麼呢？
只因為，你現在，就在我的身旁
英文歌詞 / English Lyrics :
Night too long for me all alone
Hey, are you seeing dream tonight?
Hold these unfulfilled wishes in my heart
made my lament lost in vain
If I can,
I don’t mind of losing
these kind of feelings
I wonder why,
I’m shedding tears?
I wonder why
I’m looking so sad?
I wonder why,
I couldn’t forget you completely?
I wonder why,
I couldn’t put it into a voice?
I don’t understand
I just wanna be by your side?
These unknown anxieties,
blurred out the glowing streets
and left behind those overflowing memories
Just unfamiliar faces,
come and go within this crowd
If this voice
couldn’t reach you,
I don’t mind of losing it
I wonder why ,
these tears unstoppable?
I wonder why,
I want your touch?
I wonder why,
I wanna be beautiful?
I wonder why,
I want to hear your voice?
I don’t understand
I just wanna be by your side?
I wonder why,
I’m shedding tears?
Those sad words
dance in the air
I wonder why,
I couldn’t forget you completely?
I wonder why,
It’s so painful?
I don’t understand
I just wanna be by your side
I wonder why,
these tears unstoppable?
I wonder why,
My heart felt so painful?
I wonder why,
I’m so longing for your voice?
I wonder why,
I couldn’t put it into a voice?
I don’t understand
I just want to be by your side
