glory用法的八卦，YOUTUBE、PTT、DCARD和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

【 最強賀歲片，車公bb顯靈 】攝前上位攝出事，
新春同高官開年，神獸麒麟KO葉劉！！！差啲一嘢車佢飛出車公廟...葉劉鼻屎都飛埋出來

#葉劉淑儀 #車公顯靈 #神獸 #露姆西 後有 #神獸麒麟 #葉劉 #睇住呀 #攝上位出事 #開年 #花生 #睇人仆街最開心

好片不妨一睇再睇！
葉劉中完重擊後，亦使出內功—「極速摩打手」撥空氣，所以好快企返好個人。

麒麟，有靈性咪呢啲囉！
(ACCORDING to維基百科............麒麟是中國古代神話傳說中的神獸，常與龍馬混淆。公獸為麒，母獸為麟，據說能活兩千年。性情溫和，身上雖有可攻擊敵人的武器，但不傷人畜，不踐踏昆蟲花草，故稱為仁獸。)
http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E9%BA%92%E9%BA%9F

識睇一定睇埋麒麟個O咀樣！同埋最尾0:13秒開始，DUMP開葉劉隻麒麟搖搖頭好得戚，跳到好似take左嘢，比左面嗰隻心情似乎更愉快喎！

PS1.鄉議局主席劉皇發為香港求得喻意「不可貪心」的中籤。
PS2.其實原本個位冇人，係葉劉想攝上第一排先出事！唔知有咩隱預呢.....
哇哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈哈！

片段from ON.CC
https://www.facebook.com/video.php?v=10152832884072655

新年，識拜一定拜車公！！！！！！！！！
LIKE是給車公、麒麟的！！！！！！！！！
===========================================================
麒麟小知識：
麒麟與貔貅(pi xiu)、鳳、龍、龜並稱為"五靈"，麒麟為"五靈"之首。早在周朝時，我國就有麒麟的傳說。記載最詳細的是《毛詩正義》書中說："麟，麋身，馬足，牛尾，黃毛，圓蹄 ，角端有肉 -"。傳說中麒麟性格溫良，不履生蟲，不折生草，頭上有角，角上生肉，是有德行的仁獸，因此，歷代帝王都愛麟，把它的出現視為國之奇瑞，以示自己皇威顯赫，詔示清明。

人們視麒麟為吉祥物，傳說中凡麒麟踩過的地方，都會給那裡的人們帶來好運，故有“麒麟吉祥”。在傳統文化中，麒麟是祥瑞的象徵，古來就有“盛世出麒麟”的說法，同時民間也篤信麒麟是消災解難，驅除邪魔，鎮宅避煞，催財升遷的吉獸。適用對象：感謝、友誼、祝福、德高、有為、特出、濟世、教育、軍警司法界、政界、榮升、當選、社團、新婚、生子、開業。
===========================================================
麒麟的作用及擺放：
麒麟，亦作“騏麟”，簡稱“麟”，古代傳說中的仁獸、瑞獸，是中國古代傳說中的一種動物，與鳳、龜、龍共稱為“四靈”。 被稱為聖獸王。

麒麟是吉祥神獸，主太平、長壽，是風水祥獸之王，是吉祥的象徵，能招財祈福，制煞解厄，能為人帶來子嗣。是家居風水上鎮宅化煞、轉禍為祥的最佳靈獸。

2、麒麟與龍神、神鳳、龜神，在古時被稱為四靈獸。麒麟可作為招財添丁化煞之用，用途非常廣泛。頭向外即可，其勢甚勁。宅主財運必佳。選用時不需用太大的，以細巧為宜，男女皆旺。


3、麒麟為瑞獸的一種，古時稱為“仁獸”，它有兩個意義：
(1)、 為吉祥之瑞獸;
(2)、 為仁慈之瑞獸。

麒麟仁瑞之獸，風水祥獸之王，能招-財致福，是家居風水上居家守護, 化 解不良氣息、轉禍為祥的最佳靈獸。

4、“麒麟踩八卦”是催財化解不良氣場最理想的居家風水法器之一，以先天八卦催動財氣，將八卦金麒麟頭朝外，安置在客廳財位，或辦公室財位，並保持整齊、乾淨、明亮，即能化不良氣場為財源。

5、麒麟是集龍頭、鹿角、獅眼、虎背、熊腰、蛇鱗、馬蹄、豬尾於一身，乃吉祥之寶，從古到今都是公堂上的裝飾，以振官威之用，也是權貴的象徵。能夠消災解難，驅除邪魔，鎮宅避煞，催財陞官。麒麟非常適合工作性質穩定的人擺放，特別適合在政府機關、公檢法、行政機關工作的公職人員使用。

6、麒麟最擅長化解三煞、五黃煞、天斬煞、穿心煞、鐮刀煞、屋角煞、刀煞白虎煞、二黑病星符。當陽宅遇到上列煞氣，致家人居住不安、損人破財家庭不和、車禍、血光、離婚等麒麟鎮之可保平安。麒麟是仁慈之獸，懲奸除惡保護好人。好人按奉保護之，惡人供奉反懲處。

7、麒麟鎮宅化煞能力最強，安奉之人要常感念鎮護之情。在家中擺上一對，放時頭朝門或窗外，能夠消災解難，驅除邪魔，鎮宅避煞，催財陞官，還有添丁之用。它與獅虎不同之處就是它不傷好人。

8、在風水中化煞聖品中，有很多瑞獸，其作用不用，用法各異，有的瑞獸，如果用得不當，就會起到副作用，有的瑞獸擺放在室內，對人有一定的影響，而麒麟在風水中就象萬金油，旺財，鎮宅，化煞，旺人丁，求子，旺文等，各方面都可以使用。並且麒麟擺放在室內，還有一個最大的好處，對好人起到保護作用，但對壞人卻疾惡如仇，如發現壞人，它就會咬，因此家中擺放麒麟，可以旺事業，化小人，制壞人。麒麟主正財，旺事業，催富貴，辟邪化煞，因此，在室內擺放一對開過光的麒麟，會給你帶來家庭，事業等各方面的祥瑞。
==========================================================
睇人仆街最開心，特別係新年，tag朋友入來，祝佢笑口常開，年頭笑到年尾。

http://on.fb.me/1AfS3JX
【膠報賀歲片】《應頭即飛》10分鐘洗腦+瘋狂腦震盪版
(喜氣洋洋 x land of hope and glory x 李小龍 x 應肚即飛 x 龍珠乜乜乜)

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

——————————————————
「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
patreon.com/raphaelwong
—————————————————

胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

「榮光歸香港」是否褻瀆上帝？作者：溫司卡

根據「漢語網」（http://www.chinesewords.org/dict/257792-40.html）「榮光」可解：

五色云氣。古時迷信以為吉祥之兆 (cloud)：《初學記》卷六引《尚書中候》：「榮光出河，休氣四塞。」《南齊書陸澄傳》：「永明中，天忽黃色照地，眾莫能解。摛（王摛）云是榮光。世祖大悅，用為永陽郡。」清錢謙益《送劉編修鴻訓頒詔朝鮮》詩之三：「金函玉節日邊行，遼海榮光接漢京。」
指花木的光澤 (luster)：宋蘇軾《哨遍春詞》詞：「正溶溶養花天氣。一霎暖風迴芳草，榮光浮動，掩皺銀塘水。」
敬稱尊者容顏 (resplendence)。中國近代史資料叢刊《太平天國頒行詔書》：「生逢其日，得見皇上帝榮光，爾世人何其大幸？」
光榮，榮耀 (glory)：唐李白《大獵賦》：「方將延榮光於后昆，軼玄風於邃古。」王琦注：「榮，榮名也。光，光華也。」魯迅《熱風隨感錄三十八》：「他們的國粹，既然這樣有榮光，他們自然也有榮光了！」
古今用法，「榮光」絕非形容神明的專用詞。

舊約聖經中 kābôd （「榮耀、榮光」）可以用於上帝或人。用於上帝的話，因上帝肉眼見不到、手觸摸不到，kebôd YHWH （「上帝的榮耀」）只能是指上帝的顯示，而非上帝本身。因此，死物或自然現象都可以顯示上帝：von Rad 就覺得雷電可顯示 kebôd YHWH（詩97.1–6；第六節kābôd），徘徊在西乃山上的火與雲同樣顯示 kebôd YHWH（出24.15～17）。

就是因為 kābôd 與 YHWH 屬於兩個完全不同的範疇，新約聖經可以講到信徒能如鏡子反映呈現出主的榮光（doxa kyriou），以致個人能續步漸進「榮上加榮」（apo doxēs eis doxan；林後3.18）。摩西臉上同樣反映出主的榮光，只是與信徒相反，這榮光「漸漸退去」（林後3.7～11）。

現在爭論的議題可能是出自誤解了和合本的翻譯習慣。譯者往往把舊約裡頭的動詞 nātan kābôd（如書7.19等）和新約的 doxazein （太5.16等）或 didonai doxan（如約9.24等）翻為「榮耀歸於（上帝）」。但是，和合本同樣把詩7.5（MT 7.6）kebôdî le‘āpār yašekkēn（放我的榮耀在灰塵）翻成「使我的榮耀歸於灰塵」。最重要是和合本啟21.24的翻譯：「列國要在城的光裡行走，地上的君王必將自己的榮耀歸與那城。」「將自己的榮耀歸」其實是翻譯原文的 pherousin tēn doxan autōn（攜帶自己的榮耀），可見「榮耀歸」一詞，在和合本中並非在上帝身上的專用詞。

啟示錄二十一章對我們問題有更重要的闡釋。保羅口中的 doxa 是個末世概念，意即將來的完美已經預期性地（proleptically）實現在當前。現今局部榮光乃是將來完美榮光的頭款；榮光完完全全實現，還要等待將來。所以，將詞語應用在《願榮光歸香港》內，其實十分貼切。曲子明顯用了猶太與基督教天啓文獻多個詞彙：「號角聲」、「黎明來到」、「祈求」等等都是期待將來神國來臨的慣用語。約翰看到末世異象，上帝創造新天新地之際，新的聖城耶路撒冷從天而降，而不是上帝要把他提走（啟21.1～2）。新城裡頭不需要燈火，因為有上帝的榮光照耀；列邦列國不單單在城的光裡度日，地上的君主也會把他們自己的榮光帶到這個新城裡頭（啟21.23～24）。

最後結論：「榮光歸香港」絕對不是以香港代替了上帝，而是盼望上帝國度如新的聖城來臨，實現萬世不朽的民主與自由，以致萬邦萬國都能目睹和領會到上帝的榮光。

https://szekar.wordpress.com/2019/09/11/%e3%80%8c%e6%a6%ae%e5%85%89%e6%ad%b8%e9%a6%99%e6%b8%af%e3%80%8d%e6%98%af%e5%90%a6%e8%a4%bb%e7%80%86%e4%b8%8a%e5%b8%9d%ef%bc%9f%e6%ba%ab%e5%8f%b8%e5%8d%a1/?fbclid=IwAR15pDxu8lNq92kZgUo2GN7IxInlM_0fH7mSPyuIi8nhUFH5zU8ZgP4IGO4