【「水之呼吸」的英文怎麼說?
Netflix追劇第二彈《鬼滅之刃》】
繼上次推薦 #誰是被害者
如何看台劇學英文 https://bit.ly/3gH4pnZ
這次來聊聊 #Netflix 高人氣動畫
《鬼滅之刃》教我的英文
老實說
我對這類少年動漫並不熟
身邊卻很多好友超級推
而且想不到女性比例意外的高!
問起大家《鬼滅》好看在哪裡
男生們都說打鬥很帥氣
女生則一致讚嘆禰豆子好可愛~~~
(害我當下心想:豆子?什麼豆子?
What kind of bean are you talking about?😂)
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首先片名英譯就很有趣:Demon Slayer
簡潔有力、帥氣好懂
而非逐字翻成 Blade of Demon Destruction😅
這裡的「鬼」用Demon而不用Ghost
是因Ghost基本上專指人死後變成的鬼魂、亡靈
Demon則包括妖魔鬼怪、能附身人的邪靈
最接近動畫裡「鬼」的概念
Slayer指殺手,動詞Slay表示殘殺、殺戮
英文片名翻回中文就是「殺鬼者」或「弒鬼者」
故事中的「鬼殺隊」則被翻成 The Demon Slayer Corps
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如果上網查《鬼滅》的英文介紹
會發現它的類型被歸類成Shonen Anime
Shonen就是日本的「少年」動漫
因爲其特色自成一種類型
西方人便直接沿用這個外語詞彙
同樣的,少女動漫直接稱作Shoujo
Anime則是日文的「動畫」發音
其實就是Animation一詞傳入日本時
日本人取前三個音節,泛指任何動畫
但當西方人用Anime這個字眼時
卻只專指「日本動畫」
漫畫方面也相似,都叫Comics
但「日本漫畫」叫Manga,源自日文發音
而「中文漫畫」就直接叫Manhua
都搞不清楚是在教英文還是日文了!?
但這也是語言學習有趣的一部分😆
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若覺得動畫裡的英文太簡單
可以上網搜尋歐美觀眾給《鬼滅》的reviews
能學到不少優美句型,適合任何影評用,例如:
One of the best Shonen adaptions of our time and by far the best show to air in 2019. The heart and soul of amazingly talented staffs at Studio Ufotable translated into this emotionally charged and visually stunning series, creating a roller coaster ride filled with breathtaking moments.
《鬼滅之刃》是這個時代最棒的少年漫畫改編作、以及2019最佳動畫影集之一。才華洋溢的Ufotable公司員工們的心血,變成了這部熱血澎湃、視覺驚人的影集,彷如滿載歎為觀止場面的雲霄飛車之旅。
-emotionally charged 情緒激烈、澎湃,或許翻成「熱血」最接地氣
-visually stunning 視覺效果驚人
-breathtaking moments 令人歎為觀止的場面
The Ukiyo-e style splash action sequence and seamless 3D incorporation further enhance the intensity of critical decisions in this Dark Fantasy, taking viewer immersion to a whole new level.
浮世繪風格的精彩動作橋段,跟3D電腦動畫結合得天衣無縫,更加深了這部黑暗奇幻作裡關鍵抉擇的戲劇強度,將觀眾的沈浸度提升至全新層次。
-Ukiyo-e style 浮世繪風格。附帶一提,角色的「招式」也叫style
-seamless 3D incorporation 這裡的3D是指立體的電腦動畫
-viewer immersion 觀眾的沈浸度
Excellent overall execution and cinema level quality production down to every last detail. This is a Must Watch.
整體表現出色,每個細節都具電影水準的製作品質。這一部,非看不可。
-execution 執行、表演
-Must Watch 最後一句還特別大寫,強調不能不看😮
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啊對了,差點忘記~
「水之呼吸」的英文直譯成Water Breathing
因為是專有名詞,頭一個字母要記得大寫
然後故事焦點的禰豆子叫Nezuko
(都是在聊動畫以外用不到的專有名詞😅)
你也在看《鬼滅》嗎?
你覺得《鬼滅》的魅力是什麼呢?
歡迎跟我分享喔!
#浩爾好奇問
#鬼滅之刃 #炭治郎 #禰豆子 #我妻善逸 #嘴平伊之助 #鬼殺隊
#追劇學英文 #卻都不追英文劇
#只要有心追什麼劇都能學英文
#是說這會變成系列企劃嗎
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過4萬的網紅R. Y.,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Gandora the Dragon of Destruction Playmat Farm Deck Duel Replay: https://duellinks.konami.net/att/04c950be8ef4a6f9d436915f879a28fbda2e4e85e5 Decklis...
destruction中文 在 國際狗語日報 X 百靈果News Facebook 八卦
#貝魯特 港口大爆炸剛好滿一年了,大家在今天哀悼逝去的親人,同時也很憤怒這場造成 #214人死亡、#至少6500人受傷 的事故,至今政府不僅不公布真相,也沒有高級官員沒出來負責。
#黎巴嫩 政府真的非常腐敗,高級官員們擁有 #豁免權,可以逃掉司法調查和質問。
此外 #法官 的職業生涯掌握在 #高級司法委員會,他們可以看不順眼就把你調走、阻止你晉升。委員會大部分成員是由當權者提名,也就是說,#行政權和司法權綁在一起,嚴重缺乏司法獨立性!
原本國家經濟就因為疫情雪上加霜,加上去年的貝魯特港口爆炸案,讓黎巴嫩人民在過去一年又悲傷、又憤怒。如果連一個 #民選政府 都不能開鍘該負責的官員、監督事後的改進有無落實,不覺得很諷刺嗎?
像今年臺灣的 #太魯閣號出軌事故 ,《紐約時報》有針對此事寫了分析文,提到:
「運安會的調查人員告訴時報,台鐵並沒有徹底落實它所承諾的改進工作。例如,李綱表示,儘管台鐵做出了承諾,但仍 #沒有制定正式、#全面的報告、#維修問題的程序」
不管是貝魯特爆炸案,還是太魯閣號出軌,希望任何工安意外都被檢討、並確實做出改進,不然如何安慰死者與其家屬,活著的人也不想整日擔心受怕吧?(尤其我超怕死又常坐火車)
新聞來源:CNN、The New York Times Chinese -Traditional 紐約時報中文網
#我是蛇編 #不小心寫成長文了…
destruction中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 八卦
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
destruction中文 在 R. Y. Youtube 的評價
Gandora the Dragon of Destruction Playmat Farm Deck
Duel Replay:
https://duellinks.konami.net/att/04c950be8ef4a6f9d436915f879a28fbda2e4e85e5
Decklist:
https://duellinks.konami.net/att/02be948b2102419faee2849085ecb79caaae00090d
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Skill: Restart
Gandora the Dragon of Destruction ×2
Legendary Knight Critias ×1
Gauntlet Warrior ×1
Worm Linx ×3
Watapon ×1
Into the Void ×1
The Mask of Remnants ×1
Legend of Heart ×1
The Fang of Critias ×1
The Transmigration Prophecy ×1
Super Team Buddy Force Unite! ×1
Escalation of the Monarchs ×1
Good Goblin Housekeeping ×3
Interdimensional Matter Transporter ×1
Staunch Defender ×1
Oops! ×1
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中文版:https://youtu.be/GdEJDFlClNw
日本語版:https://youtu.be/RJzmhO5Awlo
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destruction中文 在 R. Y. Youtube 的評價
Ancient Fairy Dragon destroys the Field Spell Cards.
Burst Stream of Destruction destroys the monsters.
Shiranui Sunsaga destroys the Spell/Trap Cards.
Duel Replay:
https://duellinks.konami.net/att/05ee7e96f51eee2c524d666771ab1b9fdd02de516a
Decklist:
https://duellinks.konami.net/att/006e64c82672f36e2ef36d72d751b1cdd9ef44b8c8
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Skill: Peak Performance
B-Buster Drake ×3
Medusa, Watcher of the Evil Eye ×1
Vylon Cube ×3
Torque Tune Gear ×1
Blue-Eyes White Dragon ×1
Mausoleum of White ×1
Overdone Burial ×1
Symbols of Duty ×1
Evil Eye Domain - Pareidolia ×1
Zombie World ×1
Double Summon ×3
Burst Stream of Destruction ×1
Photon Lead ×3
Transmodify ×3
Blue-Eyes Spirit Dragon ×1
Ancient Fairy Dragon ×2
Azure-Eyes Silver Dragon ×1
Shiranui Sunsaga ×1
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中文版:https://youtu.be/FoFyz9Z4uLc
日本語版:https://youtu.be/n2XZqCnaDwU
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