the rise of street art的八卦，YOUTUBE、PINTEREST和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

【GRAB A COPY NOW!】

攝影之聲 Voices of Photography
Issue 13 : 抗議、行動與影像
Protests, Activism and Images

本期由郭力昕、張世倫、李威儀、廖偉棠、冨山由紀子、東方輝、港千尋、顧錚與伊妮絲築起筆陣，進入台灣、香港、中國與日本的反叛運動場景。我們試圖重回台灣黨外運動興起的70年代、街頭狂飆的80年代，直至2014年太陽花學運的佔領現場，在抗爭照片、影片與攝影書堆中，追尋抗議攝影與影像政治的軌跡；同時爬梳香港與日本社會運動與抗議攝影的發展歷程，並針對60年代在日本引發的大規模抗爭事件——「三里塚鬥爭」進行了抗議攝影書考；另外也從達達主義攝影蒙太奇，看影像藝術的政治反抗。這期也特別邀請三位戒嚴世代的資深攝影工作者——宋隆泉、蔡明德、許村旭——進行影像對談，重現他們在《自由時代》、《人間雜誌》等新聞媒體工作時期在街頭運動前線攝影的衝撞實況。而內頁夾帶的《SHOUT》，則收錄香港攝影師林亦非在台灣三月學潮裡對懸浮青春的影像素描。

在Artist's Showcase單元，本期由張照堂書寫影像創作者葉清芳的狗眼人生，打開阿芳黃湯揮灑而自由放逐的私密暗箱；而Q單元則專訪著名的日本攝影書設計師町口覺、攝影家瀨戶正人與新加坡國際攝影節創辦人李錦麗，分別就攝影的編輯、創作和展覽進行對話；「台灣攝影史」連載則探查1870年代就在自拍的恆春首任知縣周有基的生平，以及台灣古早相館的命名典故；還有藝評家黃翰荻從鄧南光的鏡頭側寫，一探上世紀女性從20到60年代的歲月風華。

寫到這裡，不免發現編輯台又一次呈現被資料大規模轟炸的狀況。在工作期間的日與夜裡，我們與滿坑滿谷的影像文獻交談，與堆積如山的稿件版面作戰；透過照片穿越各個抗爭現場，看到那些曾在街頭激起的火花，又被重蹈覆轍的歷史泥浪淹沒覆蓋，令我們在理應充滿鬥志的編輯路途上，偶爾心情暗淡。

為了提振精神，這次破例在此點播一首收錄於楊祖珺1985年《大地是我的母親》專輯、由蔡式淵作詞、楊祖珺作曲的〈超級倒楣小市民〉給大家，這首歌30年依然不退流行，適合各世代闔家聆聽。保重。

「餿水牌沙拉油 毒玉米米酒
飼料牌奶粉 國民黨也要吃
袋鼠牌牛肉乾 黃樟素沙士
沒信用合作社 倒楣的小市民
我們還要衷心感謝他們
賜給我們核能電廠
有一天不必再煩惱
我們都上了天堂」

------------
更多資訊MORE：www.vopmagazine.com/vop013/
購買本期BUY：www.vopmagazine.com/vop013shop/
訂閱SUBSCRIBE：www.vopmagazine.com/subscribe/
------------

Collaboratively penned by Kuo Li-Hsin, Chang Shih-Lun, Lee Wei-I, Liao Wei-Tang, Tomiyama Yukiko, Akira Higashikata, Chihiro Minato, Gu Zheng and Agnès, this issue brings us into the scenes of movements in Taiwan, Hong Kong, China and Japan. We trace the trails of protest photography and image politics through revisiting the rise of Taiwanese social movements in the 70s, its flourishing in the 80s… all the way to the Sunflower Movement in 2014. At the same time, we look at the development of social movements and protest photography in Hong Kong and Japan, investigating the development of protest photobooks with a focus on the Sanrizuka Conflict, which sparked off large scale protests in Japan in the 60s. Also, we explore the political revolt of image arts from the point of view of Dadaism photomontage. We invited three experienced photographers from the martial laws era —Song Lung-Chuan, Tsai Ming-De and Hsu Tsun-Hsu— to a discussion on their photographs as frontline photojournalists covering street movements. As for the SHOUT insert in this issue, photographer Lam Yik-Fei from Hong Kong presents youth and uncertainty with snapshots taken during the Sunflower Movement in Taiwan this past March.

In the Artist’s Showcase, Chang Chao-Tang introduces to us the life and works of the late photographer Yeh Ching Fang, allowing us a peek into his personal black box; Q features the well-known Japanese photobook designer Machiguchi Satoshi, photographer Seto Masato and the curator of Singapore International Photography Festival Gwen Lee, who shares with us the design, layout, creation and exhibition of photographs respectively. In the Taiwanese Photography History series, we investigate the naming allusions of early Taiwanese photo studios and the life of the first governer of Heng Chun, Prefect Zhou Youji, who already took selfies way back in 1870s; art critic Huang Han-Di also explores the beauty and elegance of women in 1920s -1960s through the images of Deng Nan-Guang.

We realized, at this point, that Once again the editorial desk has been again overloaded with a huge amount of reference materials. Night and day, we bury ourselves in the sea of images and documents, examining photographs of battles and the displays of passionate beliefs on the streets, which were drowned time and again by the tides of time and history. Such realization occasionally dampened our fighting spirit, which is --supposedly-- strong and relentless.

In order to boost our spirit, we have made an exception in dedicating a song here: The Ill-fated Citizens from the album The Earth is My Mother (1985) by TC Yang, written by TC Yang and Cai Shirun. After three decades, this song is still relevant and suitable for all ages.

"Cooking oil made from leftover food,
rice wine made from toxic corn
Powdered milk made from animal feed,
which the KMT themselves all need to eat too
Beef jerky made from kangaroo meat, root beer with safrole
Co-ops with no credit
Ill-fated citizens
We should also sincerely thank them
For giving us nuclear power plants
For one day we won’t need to worry anymore
As we’ll all go to heaven together"

---
攝影之聲 Voices of Photography
Issue 13 : 抗議、行動與影像
Protests, Activism and Images
www.vopmagazine.com

根據計算，100萬人遊行隊伍要從維多利亞公園排到廣東；200萬人遊行則要排到泰國。

順道一提香港15～30歲人口約莫100出頭萬人。以照片人群幾乎都是此年齡帶來看，兩個數字都是明顯誇大太多了。

另一個可以參考的是1969年的Woodstock Music & Art Fair，幾天內湧進40萬人次，照片看起來也是滿山滿谷的人。（http://sites.psu.edu/…/upl…/sites/851/2013/01/Woodstock3.jpg）

當年40萬人次引發驚人的大塞車，幾乎花十幾個小時才逐漸清場。

而香港遊行清場速度明顯快得多。

順道一提，因此運動而認定「你的父母不愛你」的白痴論述也如同文化大革命時的「爹親娘親不如毛主席親」般開始出現：

https://www.facebook.com/SaluteToHKPolice/videos/350606498983830/UzpfSTUyNzM2NjA3MzoxMDE1NjMyMTM4NjY3MTA3NA/

EVERY MAJOR NEWS outlet in the world is reporting that two million people, well over a quarter of our population, joined a single protest.
.
It’s an astonishing thought that filled an enthusiastic old marcher like me with pride. Unfortunately, it’s almost certainly not true.
.
A march of two million people would fill a street that was 58 kilometers long, starting at Victoria Park in Hong Kong and ending in Tanglangshan Country Park in Guangdong, according to one standard crowd estimation technique.
.
If the two million of us stood in a queue, we’d stretch 914 kilometers (568 miles), from Victoria Park to Thailand. Even if all of us marched in a regiment 25 people abreast, our troop would stretch towards the Chinese border.
.
Yes, there was a very large number of us there. But getting key facts wrong helps nobody. Indeed, it could hurt the protesters more than anyone.
.
For math geeks only, here’s a discussion of the actual numbers that I hope will interest you whatever your political views.
.
.
DO NUMBERS MATTER?
.
People have repeatedly asked me to find out “the real number” of people at the recent mass rallies in Hong Kong.
.
I declined for an obvious reason: There was a huge number of us. What does it matter whether it was hundreds of thousands or a million? That’s not important.
.
But my critics pointed out that the word “million” is right at the top of almost every report about the marches. Clearly it IS important.
.
.
FIRST, THE SCIENCE
.
In the west, drone photography is analyzed to estimate crowd sizes.
.
This reporter apologizes for not having found a comprehensive database of drone images of the Hong Kong protests.
.
But we can still use related methods, such as density checks, crowd-flow data and impact assessments. Universities which have gathered Hong Kong protest march data using scientific methods include Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, University of Hong Kong, and Hong Kong Baptist University.
.
.
DENSITY CHECKS
.
Figures gathered in the past by Hong Kong Polytechnic specialists using satellite photo analysis found a density level of one square meter per marcher. Modern analysis suggests this remains roughly accurate.
.
I know from experience that Hong Kong marches feature long periods of normal spacing (one square meter or one and half per person, walking) and shorter periods of tight spacing (half a square meter or less per person, mostly standing).
.
.
JOINERS AND SPEED
.
We need to include people who join halfway. In the past, a Hong Kong University analysis using visual counting methods cross-referenced with one-on-one interviews indicated that estimates should be boosted by 12% to accurately reflect late joiners. These days, we’re much more generous in estimating joiners.
.
As for speed, a Hong Kong Baptist University survey once found a passing rate of 4,000 marchers every ten minutes.
.
Videos of the recent rallies indicates that joiner numbers and stop-start progress were highly erratic and difficult to calculate with any degree of certainty.
.
.
DISTANCE MULTIPLIED BY DENSITY
.
But scientists have other tools. We know the walking distance between Victoria Park and Tamar Park is 2.9 kilometers. Although there was overspill, the bulk of the marchers went along Hennessy Road in Wan Chai, which is about 25 meters (or 82 feet) wide, and similar connected roads, some wider, some narrower.
.
Steve Doig, a specialist in crowd analysis approached by the Columbia Journalism Review (CJR), analyzed an image of Hong Kong marchers to find a density level of 7,000 people in a 210-meter space. Although he emphasizes that crowd estimates are never an exact science, that figure means one million Hong Kong marchers would need a street 18.6 miles long – which is 29 kilometers.
.
Extrapolating these figures for the June 16 claim of two million marchers, you’d need a street 58 kilometers long.
.
Could this problem be explained away by the turnover rate of Hong Kong marchers, which likely allowed the main (three kilometer) route to be filled more than once?
.
The answer is yes, to some extent. But the crowd would have to be moving very fast to refill the space a great many times over in a single afternoon and evening. It wasn’t. While I can walk the distance from Victoria Park to Tamar in 41 minutes on a quiet holiday afternoon, doing the same thing during a march takes many hours.
.
More believable: There was a huge number of us, but not a million, and certainly not two million.
.
.
IMPACT MEASUREMENTS
.
A second, parallel way of analyzing the size of the crowd is to seek evidence of the effects of the marchers’ absence from their normal roles in society.
.
If we extract two million people out of a population of 7.4 million, many basic services would be severely affected while many others would grind to a complete halt.
.
Manpower-intensive sectors of society, such as transport, would be badly affected by mass absenteeism. Industries which do their main business on the weekends, such as retail, restaurants, hotels, tourism, coffee shops and so on would be hard hit. Round-the-clock operations such as hospitals and emergency services would be severely troubled, as would under-the-radar jobs such as infrastructure and utility maintenance.
.
There seems to be no evidence that any of that happened in Hong Kong.
.
.
HOW DID WE GET INTO THIS MESS?
.
To understand that, a bit of historical context is necessary.
.
In 2003, a very large number of us walked from Victoria Park to Central. The next day, newspapers gave several estimates of crowd size.
.
The differences were small. Academics said it was 350,000 plus. The police counted 466,000. The organizers, a group called the Civil Rights Front, rounded it up to 500,000.
.
No controversy there. But there was trouble ahead.
.
.
THINGS FALL APART
.
At a repeat march the following year, it was obvious to all of us that our numbers were far lower that the previous year. The people counting agreed: the academics said 194,000 and the police said 200,000.
.
But the Civil Rights Front insisted that there were MORE than the previous year’s march: 530,000 people.
.
The organizers lost credibility even with us, their own supporters. To this day, we all quote the 2003 figure as the high point of that period, ignoring their 2004 invention.
.
.
THE TRUTH COUNTS
.
The organizers had embarrassed the marchers. The following year several organizations decided to serve us better, with detailed, scientific counts.
.
After the 2005 march, the academics said the headcount was between 60,000 and 80,000 and the police said 63,000. Separate accounts by other independent groups agreed that it was below 100,000.
.
But the organizers? The Civil Rights Front came out with the awkward claim that it was a quarter of a million. Ouch. (This data is easily confirmed from multiple sources in newspaper archives.)
.
.
AN UNEXPECTED TWIST
.
But then came a twist. Some in the Western media chose to present ONLY the organizer’s “outlier” claim.
.
“Dressed in black and chanting ‘one man, one vote’, a quarter of a million people marched through Hong Kong yesterday,” said the Times of London in 2005.
.
“A quarter of a million protesters marched through Hong Kong yesterday to demand full democracy from their rulers in Beijing,” reported the UK Independent.
.
It became obvious that international media outlets were committed to emphasizing whichever claim made the Hong Kong government (and by extension, China) look as bad as possible. Accuracy was nowhere in the equation.
.
.
STRATEGICALLY CHOSEN
.
At universities in Hong Kong, there were passionate discussions about the apparent decision to pump up the numbers as a strategy, with the international media in mind. Activists saw two likely positive outcomes.
.
First, anyone who actually wanted the truth would choose a middle point as the “real” number: thus it was worth making the organizers’ number as high as possible. (The police could be presented as corrupt puppets of Beijing.)
.
Second, international reporters always favored the largest number, since it implicitly criticized China. Once the inflated figure was established in the Western media, it would become the generally accepted figure in all publications.
.
Both of the activists’ predictions turned out to be bang on target. In the following years, headcounts by social scientists and police were close or even impressively confirmed the other—but were ignored by the agenda-driven international media, who usually printed only the organizers’ claims.
.
.
SKIP THIS SECTION
.
Skip this section unless you want additional examples to reinforce the point.
.
In 2011, researchers and police said that between 63,000 and 95,000 of us marched. Our delightfully imaginative organizers multiplied by four to claim there were 400,000 of us.
.
In 2012, researchers and police produced headcounts similar to the previous year: between 66,000 and 97,000. But the organizers claimed that it was 430,000. (These data can also be easily confirmed in any newspaper archive.)
.
.
SKIP THIS SECTION TOO
.
Unless you’re interested in the police angle. Why are police figures seen as lower than others? On reviewing data, two points emerge.
.
First, police estimates rise and fall with those of independent researchers, suggesting that they function correctly: they are not invented. Many are slightly lower, but some match closely and others are slightly higher. This suggests that the police simply have a different counting method.
.
Second, police sources explain that live estimates of attendance are used for “effective deployment” of staff. The number of police assigned to work on the scene is a direct reflection of the number of marchers counted. Thus officers have strong motivation to avoid deliberately under-estimating numbers.
.
.
RECENT MASS RALLIES
.
Now back to the present: this hot, uncomfortable summer.
.
Academics put the 2019 June 9 rally at 199,500, and police at 240,000. Some people said the numbers should be raised or even doubled to reflect late joiners or people walking on parallel roads. Taking the most generous view, this gave us total estimates of 400,000 to 480,000.
.
But the organizers, God bless them, claimed that 1.03 million marched: this was four times the researchers’ conservative view and more than double the generous view.
.
The addition of the “.03m” caused a bit of mirth among social scientists. Even an academic writing in the rabidly pro-activist Hong Kong Free Press struggled to accept it. “Undoubtedly, the anti-amendment group added the extra .03 onto the exact one million figure in order to give their estimate a veneer of accuracy,” wrote Paul Stapleton.
.
.
MIND-BOGGLING ESTIMATE
.
But the vast majority of international media and social media printed ONLY the organizers’ eyebrow-raising claim of a million plus—and their version soon fed back into the system and because the “accepted” number. (Some mentioned other estimates in early reports and then dropped them.)
.
The same process was repeated for the following Sunday, June 16, when the organizers’ frankly unbelievable claim of “about two million” was taken as gospel in the majority of international media.
.
“Two million people in Hong Kong protest China's growing influence,” reported Fox News.
.
“A record two million people – over a quarter of the city’s population” joined the protest, said the Guardian this morning.
.
“Hong Kong leader apologizes as TWO MILLION take to the streets,” said the Sun newspaper in the UK.
.
Friends, colleagues, fellow journalists—what happened to fact-checking? What happened to healthy skepticism? What happened to attempts at balance?
.
.
CONCLUSIONS?
.
I offer none. I prefer that you do your own research and draw your own conclusions. This is just a rough overview of the scientific and historical data by a single old-school citizen-journalist working in a university coffee shop.
.
I may well have made errors on individual data points, although the overall message, I hope, is clear.
.
Hong Kong people like to march.
.
We deserve better data.
.
We need better journalism. Easily debunked claims like “more than a quarter of the population hit the streets” help nobody.
.
International media, your hostile agendas are showing. Raise your game.
.
Organizers, stop working against the scientists and start working with them.
.
Hong Kong people value truth.
.
We’re not stupid. (And we’re not scared of math!)

【NOTICE】
庫存驟減中，大家都拿到了嗎？
本期點播的歌，大家會唱了嗎？...

---
攝影之聲 Voices of Photography
Issue 13 : 抗議、行動與影像
Protests, Activism and Images

本期由郭力昕、張世倫、李威儀、廖偉棠、冨山由紀子、東方輝、港千尋、顧錚與伊妮絲築起筆陣，進入台灣、香港、中國與日本的反叛運動場景。我們試圖重回台灣黨外運動興起的70年代、街頭狂飆的80年代，直至2014年太陽花學運的佔領現場，在抗爭照片、影片與攝影書堆中，追尋抗議攝影與影像政治的軌跡；同時爬梳香港與日本社會運動與抗議攝影的發展歷程，並針對60年代在日本引發的大規模抗爭事件——「三里塚鬥爭」進行了抗議攝影書考；另外也從達達主義攝影蒙太奇，看影像藝術的政治反抗。這期也特別邀請三位戒嚴世代的資深攝影工作者——宋隆泉、蔡明德、許村旭——進行影像對談，重現他們在《自由時代》、《人間雜誌》等新聞媒體工作時期在街頭運動前線攝影的衝撞實況。而內頁夾帶的《SHOUT》，則收錄香港攝影師林亦非在台灣三月學潮裡對懸浮青春的影像素描。

在Artist's Showcase單元，本期由張照堂書寫影像創作者葉清芳的狗眼人生，打開阿芳黃湯揮灑而自由放逐的私密暗箱；而Q單元則專訪著名的日本攝影書設計師町口覺、攝影家瀨戶正人與新加坡國際攝影節創辦人李錦麗，分別就攝影的編輯、創作和展覽進行對話；「台灣攝影史」連載則探查1870年代就在自拍的恆春首任知縣周有基的生平，以及台灣古早相館的命名典故；還有藝評家黃翰荻從鄧南光的鏡頭側寫，一探上世紀女性從20到60年代的歲月風華。

寫到這裡，不免發現編輯台又一次呈現被資料大規模轟炸的狀況。在工作期間的日與夜裡，我們與滿坑滿谷的影像文獻交談，與堆積如山的稿件版面作戰；透過照片穿越各個抗爭現場，看到那些曾在街頭激起的火花，又被重蹈覆轍的歷史泥浪淹沒覆蓋，令我們在理應充滿鬥志的編輯路途上，偶爾心情暗淡。

為了提振精神，這次破例在此點播一首收錄於楊祖珺1985年《大地是我的母親》專輯、由蔡式淵作詞、楊祖珺作曲的〈超級倒楣小市民〉給大家，這首歌30年依然不退流行，適合各世代闔家聆聽。保重。

「餿水牌沙拉油 毒玉米米酒
飼料牌奶粉 國民黨也要吃
袋鼠牌牛肉乾 黃樟素沙士
沒信用合作社 倒楣的小市民
我們還要衷心感謝他們
賜給我們核能電廠
有一天不必再煩惱
我們都上了天堂」

------------
更多資訊MORE：www.vopmagazine.com/vop013/
購買本期BUY：www.vopmagazine.com/vop013shop/
訂閱SUBSCRIBE：www.vopmagazine.com/subscribe/
------------

Collaboratively penned by Kuo Li-Hsin, Chang Shih-Lun, Lee Wei-I, Liao Wei-Tang, Tomiyama Yukiko, Akira Higashikata, Chihiro Minato, Gu Zheng and Agnès, this issue brings us into the scenes of movements in Taiwan, Hong Kong, China and Japan. We trace the trails of protest photography and image politics through revisiting the rise of Taiwanese social movements in the 70s, its flourishing in the 80s… all the way to the Sunflower Movement in 2014. At the same time, we look at the development of social movements and protest photography in Hong Kong and Japan, investigating the development of protest photobooks with a focus on the Sanrizuka Conflict, which sparked off large scale protests in Japan in the 60s. Also, we explore the political revolt of image arts from the point of view of Dadaism photomontage. We invited three experienced photographers from the martial laws era —Song Lung-Chuan, Tsai Ming-De and Hsu Tsun-Hsu— to a discussion on their photographs as frontline photojournalists covering street movements. As for the SHOUT insert in this issue, photographer Lam Yik-Fei from Hong Kong presents youth and uncertainty with snapshots taken during the Sunflower Movement in Taiwan this past March.

In the Artist’s Showcase, Chang Chao-Tang introduces to us the life and works of the late photographer Yeh Ching Fang, allowing us a peek into his personal black box; Q features the well-known Japanese photobook designer Machiguchi Satoshi, photographer Seto Masato and the curator of Singapore International Photography Festival Gwen Lee, who shares with us the design, layout, creation and exhibition of photographs respectively. In the Taiwanese Photography History series, we investigate the naming allusions of early Taiwanese photo studios and the life of the first governer of Heng Chun, Prefect Zhou Youji, who already took selfies way back in 1870s; art critic Huang Han-Di also explores the beauty and elegance of women in 1920s -1960s through the images of Deng Nan-Guang.

We realized, at this point, that once again the editorial desk has been again overloaded with a huge amount of reference materials. Night and day, we bury ourselves in the sea of images and documents, examining photographs of battles and the displays of passionate beliefs on the streets, which were drowned time and again by the tides of time and history. Such realization occasionally dampened our fighting spirit, which is --supposedly-- strong and relentless.

In order to boost our spirit, we have made an exception in dedicating a song here: The Ill-fated Citizens from the album The Earth is My Mother (1985) by TC Yang, written by TC Yang and Cai Shirun. After three decades, this song is still relevant and suitable for all ages.

"Cooking oil made from leftover food,
rice wine made from toxic corn
Powdered milk made from animal feed,
which the KMT themselves all need to eat too
Beef jerky made from kangaroo meat, root beer with safrole
Co-ops with no credit
Ill-fated citizens
We should also sincerely thank them
For giving us nuclear power plants
For one day we won’t need to worry anymore
As we’ll all go to heaven together"

---
攝影之聲 Voices of Photography
Issue 13 : 抗議、行動與影像
Protests, Activism and Images
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