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Hong Kong Independence?
…all you need to know about recent Hong Kong in 15 minutes
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↓↓Transcript (as requested)↓↓

我們之前提及香港與中國有截然不同的制度
So previously we talked about Hong Kong and China having vastly a different system
香港是一個仿民主社會，而中國即由中國共產黨統治
Hong Kong is a quasi-democratic society while China is dominated by the Chinese Communist Party
所以我們不希望人們混淆兩者
…so we don’t want people to get confused between the two
但故事還未講完
But the story doesn’t end here
明年是2017年，香港主權移交給中國的20週年
Next year 2017, it would be 20 years since Hong Kong’s turnover to China
你大概會以為這段時間香港和中國會越走越近
You would’ve thought that during this time, Hong Kong and China would’ve grown closer to one another
但事實卻非如此
But it has not been so.
香港人和中國人反而變得越來越有隔膜
If anything, we’ve grown to be more and more apart.
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沒錯 在過去20年
Yes it is true that during the last two decades
中國從一個發展中國家 發展成現時最大經濟體系之一
China has gone from being a developing country to what is now one of the largest, if not the largest economy in the world
人民收入增加 生活質素提升 有些中國人也躋身全球富豪榜
…which means rising income for Chinese citizens, better quality of life and China has some of the richest people in the world
香港人應該為中國人身份感到自豪吧
If anything, Hong Kong people should be a proud China man!
我還記得2008北京奧運 那個開幕典禮實在是精妙絕倫
I still remember seeing the Beijing Olympics in 2008; that opening ceremony was outrageously amazing
花了很多心機 很好看
…it was beautifully done and such a joy to watch
那是香港人少有地為國家感到自豪的一刻
It was one of those rare moments where Hong Kong people share the same sense of pride as the rest of China
不過 現實歸現實
But the Olympics is one thing, and reality is another
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事實上，自主權移交以來，香港和中國一直有許多矛盾和衝突
The truth is there have been a lot of conflicts between Hong Kong and China since the handover
香港向中國打開了大門，每天都有大量中國遊客到訪
Hong Kong has largely opened up to China where we get a huge number of Chinese tourists every day
旅客本身不應該是個問題，但我們目睹過不少中國旅客的不文明行為
並不是問題。重點在於中國遊客所製造出來的問題。
While tourism shouldn’t be a problem in itself, we have witnessed a lot of issues with these Chinese tourists
例如不懂得在迪士尼樂園排隊 和隨地小便
There had been reports of uncivilized behavior such as not knowing how to queue in Disneyland and… pissing on the street.
我必須強調 不是所有中國遊客都會這樣做 只有一部份會這樣做
And I can’t emphasize enough, not every Chinese tourists do it, it’s just some that does it
但由於香港每天都有大量的中國遊客 這成為了一個逼切的問題
…but because Hong Kong gets so many of them, that becomes a daily problem for people living in Hong Kong.
除此之外，我們可以看到名牌店和藥房的數量激增，以滿足中國遊客的需求
And it’s not just that, we see the rise in luxury shops and pharmacies in Hong Kong to tailor the need of Chinese tourists
如果你去上水（很接近中國邊境的地方）的街頭
If you go to a street in Sheung Shui, which is a place very close to the mainland border
我以前常常去的──你會看見到處都是藥房
I used to go there a lot - you see streets full of pharmacies
其實我完全不明白為何這些店舖會叫做藥房
…and I don’t even know why they are called pharmacies
因為他們主要不是售賣藥物，而是奶粉和尿片
…because mainly they don’t sell medicine, they sell baby milk formula and diapers.
事實上 大陸人不相信中國製的貨品
The thing is, mainland Chinese don’t trust their own stuff
因為在中國任何東西都有可能是假的 那裡沒有質量管制或食物安全
…because you can get fake everything in China; there’s no quality control or food safety
所以很多中國人都會來香港買日用品 如奶粉
So many Chinese come to Hong Kong to buy daily stuff and one product that has always been in high demand is baby milk formulas
香港部份地區甚至出現奶粉短缺的問題
It has got to a point where the supply became so tight that there is a shortage of milk formulas in some areas of Hong Kong
如果你住在歐洲或美國，這情況可能難以置信
If you are living in the Europe or the US, this might sound really hard to believe
嬰兒配方奶粉和尿片！但這是真的，這切切實實在香港發生
Milk formula and diapers, but it’s true, it is what’s happening in Hong Kong.
還有其他問題，例如中國孕婦來港產子等
I can go on about other stuff as well such as the number of Mainland pregnant women who come to Hong Kong
事實上，在2010年，37%新生嬰兒的父母均不是香港永久居民
In fact, in 2010, as much as 37% of all babies born in Hong Kong have neither parents being a permanent Hong Kong resident
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基於這些中港矛盾的問題 香港出現越來越嚴重的反中情緒
Basically because of all these things, this has led to an increasingly serious anti-Chinese hype in Hong Kong
很多香港人都不歡迎中國人 只想他們離開
Many local people are furious and just want them to go away
但對我來說 問題永遠出於制度
But to me, the real problem always lies in the system
我不想將整件事歸疚於中國人身上
Conceptually, I hate to put my frustration upon the Chinese people
因為要來港購物以保障自身安全並不是他們的錯
Because it’s not their fault that they have to buy things from Hong Kong to ensure that they are safe
但制度上出了甚麼問題？
But what about the system?
關於這個制度我簡述如下
There’s a lot I can say about this system, but for now I will just simplify it as follows
在制度頂端有中國共產黨，之後有香港政府和立法會中的建制派
At the top of the system we have the Chinese Communist Party, then we have the Hong Kong government and the pro-establishment camp in our Legislative council
簡單來說，這個制度一直想將香港變成中國的一個普通城市
In short, this system has been trying to turn Hong Kong into just another city of China
並且破壞一國兩制的原則
…and damaging the core principle of “One Country, Two Systems”
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很長時間以來，香港人一直在爭取民主
For a long time, Hong Kong people have been advocating for full democracy
即是普選，可以提名和投票給我們自己的領袖（行政長官）
That means universal suffrage with the right to nominate and elect our own leader, which in Hong Kong is called the Chief Executive
根據基本法，我們有普選的權利
According to the Basic Law, we have a legal right to universal suffrage.
在過去20年，中國政府曾多次承諾香港人會有普選
In the past 20 years, the Chinese government has assured Hong Kong several times that we are going to get universal suffrage
但他們一直拖延實施普選的日期
But they have been pushing back the date for it
又推托說香港人未準備好，所以2007年和2012年都沒有普選。
…and kept saying Hong Kong wasn’t ready, so we didn’t get it in 2007 and 2012
但北京承諾香港2017年可普選特首
But the Chinese has set a timeline for it, and they said Hong Kong would eventually get universal suffrage by 2017
結果，2014年8月31日，北京說
And guess what, on 31st August 2014, the Chinese said
好，你可以有你想要的普選，但我們需要增加幾個條件
Alright you are going to get your universal suffrage, but we are going to have to impose some conditions
首先，行政長官必需愛國
First the Chief Executive must be someone who is patriotic to China
第二，候選人需要先得到現有的行政長官選舉委員會的提名 (絕大部分都是親中代表)
Secondly candidates are going to be nominated by the current Election Committee, which consists (mostly) of 1200 pro-Beijing representatives
最後，無論誰勝出選舉，都要得到中國政府委任才可成為行政長官
Lastly, whoever wins the popular election must be appointed by the Chinese government
所以他們就是說，好，你們可以普選，但我們保留剔除任何人的權利
So basically they are saying, alright you can get your vote but we reserve the right to screen out anyone that we dislike
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北京公布831決定後，香港人當然很憤怒
After this was announced by the Chinese officials, we were bloody furious
所以我們展開了一連串抗議行動，要求真普選
So we began a series of protests demanding for “true universal suffrage”
我們一直以來都覺得普選就是
For years we have always thought universal suffrage means just that
一個民主及公開的選舉
The right to vote in a democratic and open election
但是中共卻憑空製造了完全相反的東西
But the CCP managed to create something that is completely contrary to that
結果，大學生開始罷課
As a result, university students like myself began boycotting classes
並參與在金鐘香港政府總部外舉行的集會
…and attended gathering outside the Hong Kong government headquarters in Admiralty to protest
這演變成持續79天的佔領金鐘、銅鑼灣和旺角的運動
This has then turned into a 79-days long widespread occupy movement in streets of Admiralty, Causeway Bay and Mongkok
期間警察使用催淚彈和胡椒噴霧來驅散我們，我們即用雨傘作盾
During this time, police has used tear gas and pepper spray to try to get rid of us and we used umbrellas as shield
解釋了為什麼這叫雨傘運動或雨傘革命
That’s why this is called the Umbrella Movement or Umbrella Revolution
我個人不喜歡稱之為革命，因為革命通常與激進的改變有關
Personally I don’t like to call it a revolution, because revolution is often associated with some sort of radical change
但對於我們來說，79天佔領街頭後，仍毫無成果
But for us, after 79-days of occupying the streets, nothing has changed.
到今天為止，一切維持原狀──沒有行政長官普選
So to this day, the status quo remains – there is no universal suffrage for our Chief Executive election
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但是為何我們這麼想要普選？
But why do we want universal suffrage so much?
你要明白，我們的制度一直都有缺陷
Well you have to understand that our governmental system has always been institutionally flawed
一般當我們提到三權分立時，有行政、立法和司法三個機關
Usually when we talk about the Separation of Powers, we have the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary
這三個機關本應互相制衡，沒有人能夠掌控一切的權力
They are meant to act as checks and balances of each other so no one gets too much power
因為正如英國的阿克頓男爵所言：
…because as Lord Acton famously said,
「權力導致腐敗，絕對權力導致絕對腐敗。」
“Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
我們不但行政長官是經由1200人的小圈子挑選 當中大部份為親中人士
Not only is our leader of the executive selected by a small-group of 1,200 voters – the majority of whom are pro-Beijing
我們連立法會也不能全部直選
We also don’t get to vote entirely for our Legislative Council
事實上，我們只能直選立法會的一半議員
In fact, only half of our legislators get directly elected by us
另外一半是由所謂的功能組別選出
The other half are elected through the so-called Functional Constituencies
香港一共有28個功能組別
There are 28 different functional constituencies, representing different seats in our Legislative council
原意是為了讓香港不同的界別和工種都能對政府政策有話語權
Originally this meant to provide different professions across Hong Kong to have a say in government politics
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但這個制度本質上存在缺陷
But there’s a huge problem – this system is fundamentally flawed
最為人爭議的是，這制度容許公司和專業團體登記為選民
Most controversially, it allows companies and professional bodies to register as voters
製造了一個漏洞讓大公司同時間可持有多張選票
So this creates a loophole where big business can hold multiple votes at the same time
以飲食業為例，大公司可以登記每間分店為一個選民
Consider the catering constituency, big restaurant companies can register each of their outlets as voters
像大家樂這種大型的連鎖餐廳
So big food chain like Café De Carol
不，這不是一間法國菜餐廳，這是港式快餐店
Nope, it is not a French restaurant – it’s a fast food Chinese restaurant
這些大公司可以登記上一百張選票
Something like that can register up to a hundred votes if they like
另外，不同功能組別之間也有很大差異
Also there is a huge discrepancy between different functional constituencies
例如，在衛生服務界，有37,000個登記選民，但在保險界卻只有130個
For example, in the Health Services sector, there are 37,000 registered voters, whereas in Insurance, there are only 130 registered voters
這個差異根本不合邏輯 為甚麼有些行業會得到更廣泛的代表？
There is really no logical explanation for it – why are some industry represented more fairly while others are not
事實上，近半功能組別都是自動當選的，大部份的席位都由建制派瓜分
In fact, almost half of the functional constituencies are uncontested and most of the seats are dominated by the pro-establishment camp.
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這有甚麼實際意義？
But what is the actual significance?
當立法會議員自行提出草案和議案時，我們有所謂的分組點票
You see, when individual legislators propose bills and motions, we have a split-voting system
意思是，在草案通過之前，
…meaning that to be able to pass the bill
需要得到地區直選和功能組別兩方面均過半數支持
It requires a majority vote in both the geographical constituency – those directly elected by us – and the functional constituency
所以就算一個草案得到總共過半數的支持
So we can have a bill that is supported by the majority of the legislators
但仍會因為在功能組別方面未過半數而流產
But fails nonetheless because it did not pass the functional constituency
理論上，只要控制了功能組別的半數就可以否決任何議員草案或議案
So in effect, you only need half of the votes within the Functional Constituency to reject all bills and motions put forward by individual legislators.
但政府提出的卻不一樣，
But the same does not apply to government bills
只需要取得過半數的支持就可以了
For government bills, you only need to get a majority from all the legislators as a whole
所以有時候會有一些政府議案原本被大部分直選議員反對
So sometimes we have bills that are opposed by the majority of those legislators directly elected by us
但基於功能界別大部份贊成而通過
…but nonetheless get through because of the functional constituency
這個制度的問題在於政府和大商家會有勾結的誘因
The major problem of this is that it creates an incentive for the Government and big business players to side with each other
一方面，有功能組別的支持，政府可以否決所有由議員提出的議案
On one hand with the help of functional constituency, the Government has an effective veto over all motions in the Legislative council
另一方面，商界自己也可以否決不符合他們商業利益的議案，如最低工資和標準工時
…while on the other hand businesses can reject motions that are contrary to their interests such as minimum wage and standard working hours
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因此，行政機關在立法方面有很大的控制權
Because of this, the executive has a lot of control over our Legislative Council
他們很多時候也會做很多與市民意願相反的決定
And they often make decisions that are contrary to public opinions
由於選舉制度上的缺陷，我們也不能有效地向行政機關問責
And because of the fundamental flaws in our electoral systems, there is no way we could hold our executive accountable in any shape or form
你也必須明白 香港政府和和中國政府之間的關係
Conceptually you also have to understand the relationship between our executive and the Chinese government
你也許會認為，在一國兩制原則下，香港政府和中國政府是分開的
It’s easy to say, well the Hong Kong government is separate from the Chinese government because of the principle of one country two systems
我們可以實行自己的政策，這不是中國政府的問題，而是香港政府本身的問題
And we can implement our own policies so it’s not the fault of the Chinese government but of our own government
也許是吧，但我們的選舉制度確保香港行政長官是忠於北京的
That is partly true, but remember we have a system as such where our Chief Executive is guaranteed to be pro-Beijing
因此香港政府和中國政府密不可分
That’s why it has an incentive to side with the Chinese government
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以現任行政長官梁振英為例 他自上任以來都在替北京擦鞋
For example, our current Chief Executive, CY Leung, he has been keen to please Beijing wherever possible
他重視中國的利益多於香港的利益
There are lots of policies where he appeared to have put Mainland’s interest above Hong Kong’s interest
如2012年，政府打算推行強制國民教育
For example, in 2012, the government tried to introduce mandatory National Education classes
想加強學生的國家認同感
…so that students can strengthen their national identity about China
但這被大眾反對，因為很多人都擔心這是偏向共產黨的洗腦教育
This was met with huge public protests as many fear that it would simply be a brainwashing curriculum biased towards the Chinese Communist Party
其他情況還包括否決香港電視的牌照申請，梁振英的5,000萬元賄款醜聞等等
There are also other instances such as the rejection of HKTV, CY Leung’s $50 million corrupt scandal – etc
我們極不滿意現在的政府
Basically, we are extremely unsatisfied with our current Government
制度本身容許我們的政府恣意妄為
The system itself allows for our government to potentially be arbitrary and self-serving
而我們沒有有效的方法向政府問責
And there’s no way we could hold our government accountable in any shape or forms
這就是我們想要普選的原因：我們想選擇自己的領袖
That’s why we want universal suffrage so much – so that we can choose our own leader
當然，這不會在一夕間解決所有問題，但會是一個通往更民主和平的制度的開端。
Yes it won’t solve everything but it will be a start to a more democratic and fair system
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雨傘運動是前所未有的
The Umbrella Movement was a first of its kind
雨傘運動一開始十分和平
It started off extremely peacefully
強調非暴力、理性、愛與和平等等
With an emphasis on being non-violent, rational, love and peace and all that
但隨着時間經過，梁振英政府拒絕回應
But as it went on, the CY Leung’s government managed to remain unresponsive
過了兩個月，人們都不知道要怎麼辦
Two months into occupying the streets, people simply didn’t know what to do
而示威者和警察之間的關係則每況愈下
And the relationship between the protesters and the police got worse by days
有警察使用暴力對待示威者
There was alleged police violence
其中有七個警察將一個示威者拖到暗角施暴
Seven police officers took a protester to a dark corner and beat him up
無可避免地，雨傘運動最終演變成示威者和警察之間暴力的衝突──市民被打、被捕
Inevitably the movement turned into something more violent with protesters clashing with the police – people were beaten up and arrested.
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自雨傘運動以來，社會處於嚴重撕裂的狀態
Since the Umbrella Movement, the society has been hugely divided
市民對警察的信任度跌至新低
Police confidence has gone to an all-time low
一方面，我們發現和平的示威遊行再沒有用
On one hand, we realize peaceful protest no longer does a damn thing,
另一方面，人們正在尋找抗衡警力的方法──亦即採取更激進的行動
…while on the other hand, people are finding ways to counter police force – essentially resorting to more radical actions
這也引致部份市民在意識形態上與傳統泛民主派分道揚鑣
It also led to an ideological separation within the pro-democracy camp
香港的傳統泛民主派視建設民主中國為己任
Traditionally pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong felt it was their duty to build a democratic China
他們其實比任何人都更愛中國
If anything they are more patriotic to China than anyone
他們是對六四天安門事件最大感觸的人
They are the people who felt most strongly about stuff like Tiananmen Square
但在過去20年，香港民主沒有寸進，也看不到中國民主化的希望
But for the last 20 years, democracy has not been advanced for Hong Kong nor does it look likely for China
所以有人開始說
That’s why new advocates are saying,
建設民主中國是不切實際的
Well there’s no real possibility of so-called building a democratic China
我們要先自救
We need to start rescuing ourselves first
因此本土和香港獨立的概念開始萌芽，因為人們對一國兩制開始失去信心
So, there emerges the idea of localism and Hong Kong independence because people are simply losing faith in the so-called One Country Two Systems.
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這些社會不穩和躁動最終導致今年初在旺角發生的事件
All this social unrest has led to what happened earlier this year in Mongkok
那是農曆正月初一
It was the first day into Chinese Lunar New Year;
街上有小販在賣熟食
There were some street hawkers selling street food
這些小販雖是無牌經營，但他們一向都在農曆新年頭幾天擺賣，賺幾個快錢
They are unlicensed but that’s what they have always done in the first few days of Chinese New Year, just trying to make a few extra bucks
這就像香港的小傳統
It’s like a little local tradition in Hong Kong.
但今年警察突然執法，引發示威者與警察之間的衝突
But somehow this time the police decided to confront them – which has led to protesters confronting the police
突然間，小販擺賣演變成騷動，或暴亂，視乎你怎麼看
Suddenly it has turned into a huge unrest, or riot, depending which side you are on
街上有雜物起火，市民撿起磚和樽扔向警察
There were fire on the street, people picking up bricks and bottles throwing at the police
警察向天開了兩槍以鎮壓人群
Two shots were fired in the air for crowd control
這是香港二十年來都未見過的暴力
It was violence on a scale that has never been seen in Hong Kong for the last 20 years
的確 暴力的程度與本身的小販問題根本完全不相稱
In no way was the violence proportional to the whole street food and street hawker issue
但你必須明白背後的原因
But you have to be able to understand it in the light of the whole circumstances
那種自雨傘運動以來積累的憤怒和不滿
The sort of anger that has been accumulated since the Umbrella Movement
社會民怨達臨界點
Social unrest is now at its highest point
---
雨傘運動後，各種事情由壞變更壞，北京加重了對香港的控制
Things have gotten from bad to worse for Hong Kong since the Umbrella Movement. Beijing has tighten up control of Hong Kong
我們曾經享有的自由受到嚴峻挑戰
Our once enjoyed freedom has been put to some serious doubt
去年，五個在香港出售中國敏感話題的書籍的書商消失了
Five Hong Kong booksellers who sell sensitive stuff about the Chinese Communist Party went missing last year
他們沒有任何出境記錄，憑空消失了
There were no record of them going out of Hong Kong, and they just disappeared
有好一段時間，沒有人知道他們到哪裡去了，然後……
For a while no-one really knows where they went, and then…
好像魔法一樣，他們出現在中國的電視台，承認他們所謂的罪行
Like magic, there they are in Mainland China appearing on TV, confessing their guilt
其他事情還包括廉政公署（香港引以為傲的反貪污機構）大地震
Other stuff such as the ICAC, an anti-corruption body that we have always been proud of, has also been involved in some major shake-ups
更近期的有立法會選舉有六位候選人被取消資格
More recently, six candidates have been disqualified from running the Legislative Council election
他們被取消資格的原因是因為他們提倡香港獨立
They have been disqualified because they advocate for Hong Kong Independence
沒有法例授權行政機關以政治原因篩選候選人
There is nothing in the law that allows the administrative to screen out candidates running for the legislative council for political reason
這根本違反言論自由
That’s just simply grossly against freedom of speech
---
還記得四年前，港獨根本無人提及
And remember, four years ago, Hong Kong independence was not even an idea to start with
現在卻成長為一個熱議的社會話題，越來越多人支持香港獨立
Now it has turned into a whole serious social movement – more and more people are turning to Hong Kong independence
背後的原因？
And the reason behind that?
不久之前有一個網上比賽，讓人用六個字寫悲慘故事。有人寫：
A while back there was a post asking people to write sad stories in six words, and someone wrote this:
「一國，兩制，笑話。」
“One Country, Two Systems, Just kidding.”
這就是香港的現況
And that pretty much sums it up for Hong Kong.
主權移交時，曾經有人承諾我們會有
When Hong Kong got handed back over to China, we were guaranteed of all these things:
言論自由、新聞自由和法治
...the freedom of speech, the freedom of press and the rule of law
但這些都一直被破壞
But these things have been undermined hugely
北京的訊息很清晰：
The message from China is clear:
你想要高度自治嗎？
You want your high degree of autonomy and you want to feel special right?
可是你只能在我容許的限度裡享有自由
But you are only as free as we allow you to be
這些自由是我給你們的，我現在要取回你也不能作聲
We gave you that stuff so shut up if we want to take them back. Period.
但事實上中國沒有給予我們自由
But the truth is China didn’t give us freedom of speech\
我們的人權都不是中國給予的
You didn’t give us any of our fundamental rights. Period.
---
我的理解？
The way I understand it?
香港獨立是被動而不是主動的
Well Hong Kong independence is reactive rather than proactive
這是對中國收緊香港的控制所走的一步
It’s a response to the Chinese government for increasingly tightening up control of Hong Kong
我們已經對一國兩制完全失去信心
We’ve completely lost faith in One Country Two systems
所以我們要求更多自主
As a counteractive response we are demanding for more autonomy
我們想要把握自己的命運
We want to be able to grasp hold of our own fate
所以這就是香港的現狀
So this is where things are right now in Hong Kong
這是一個死結
It’s in a complete deadlock
我們只能二擇其一：接受一國一制或更激進地抗爭
We either accept for one country one system or we have to fight in a more radical manner
---
星期日是下屆立法會的選舉投票日，是雨傘運動以來的第一次選舉
On Sunday, it will be our next Legislative Council election – the first since the Umbrella Movement
天知道會發生甚麼事
God knows what’s going to happen
我希望你能去投票，好好考慮要投給誰
But I do urge you to vote, and to think about your vote
Because in a perfect world
你試想，在完美的世界裡
當立法會可以處理大多數事情的話，市民便不需要走上街頭暴力抗爭
…if things can get done in the Legislative Council, then people wouldn’t need to take to the street and to resort to any kind of violence
我們極需立法會抗衡行政機關的權力，而你的一票有莫大的幫助
We desperately need a balance of power right now – and your vote can contribute to that
我們需要議會內有更大的聲音──我們需要更多人去尋找不同的可能
We need more voice in our Legislative council – we need people to look for different possibility
呼。就是這樣。
Phew, so that’s it.
無論你來自香港或香港以外的地方
Whether you are from Hong Kong, or from outside of Hong Kong,
這段和上一段影片都對我以及很多香港人來說很重要。
This video and the last video is important to me, and to a lot of people in Hong Kong
霎時之間這可能難以消化
This is probably a lot to take in if you’re new to this, but don’t just take my words for it
但請繼續留意新聞，和其他人一起討論，做更多的資料搜集，這些東西都可在網上找到
Keep reading the news; keep talking to people about it; go research about this, it’s all over the internet
最後，謝謝收看
And lastly, thanks for watching.
天祐香港

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.

The Straits Times today republished a thoughtful memo that Lim Boon Heng wrote to NTUC staff. He described real-life examples of organisations and individuals who stepped forward to help the less fortunate, and he lauded the personalised, creative efforts of these unsung heroes.

We are fortunate there are many Singaporeans like those mentioned by Boon Heng, who have the heart, imagination, and determination to go beyond saying that something needs to be done, to actually doing something themselves, to change the lives of those around them for the better.

This week ST has been running inspiring stories of such initiatives under their ‘Causes Week 2018’ platform. I hope you’ve had a chance to read some of these stories – a photographer and her friends befriending children staying in Yishun’s rental flats, youths volunteering to help people struggling with mental health issues, a professional boxer starting a sports programme for at-risk kids, a charity that distributes food and groceries to the needy, and many more.

The Government will always be there for students, families, and workers who require assistance. But it cannot do it alone. Policies will work better when we work with one another. Together, we can create a more caring society. – LHL

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★ Flipping Up Schoolgirl's Skirt By Running EXPLAINED | Anime vs Reality: https://youtu.be/h4w5mUY9gQQ
★ 5 WEIRD Chinese Beauty Trends on Social Media: https://youtu.be/a6o905aJt2k
★ 5 EPIC Japanese Commercials Involving High School Girls: https://youtu.be/p84JKiBIRcU
★ 5 WEIRD Japanese Food Trends on Social Media: https://youtu.be/ozp9SjNJa0c
★ 7 WACKY Things You May Not Know About JAPANESE CONDOMS: https://youtu.be/RKfIAggjomo
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6 PROVOCATIVE JAPANESE TRENDS ON SOECIAL MEDIA

So we've done a couple of videos on Weird Chinese Beauty Trends on Social Media. Now it's Japan's turn.

Provocative, revealing and risqué social media trends from Japan, from least to most provocative. Sorry if this video makes you uncomfortable....

1. Baby Peach Butts
- Japanese moms are taking picture of their baby's butts covered with a peach.

2. Cosplay Undressed
- Leaving your cosplay costume outside the bathroom door to make it look like that character is taking a bath / shower.

3. Under-the-Boob Challenge
- Actually originated in Japan, but once Chinese social media took a hold of it, it went global.

4. Under-the-Ribbon Challenge
- from Hestia in the anime 'Is It Wrong To Pick Up Girls In A Dungeon?'
- Real life boost to your boobs / breasts?

5. Legs During Golden Week
- #ShowLegToShowSupportForSalarymen created by Japanese women who want to support the hardworking men who don't get time off during Japan's Golden Week.

6. Party Monster Dance
- My god, this is the most extreme...just watch the video


Which ones were TOO risqué for you?


Thanks for watching! And if you enjoyed this video, don't forget to LIKE, SHARE & SUBSCRIBE ^^

SOCIAL MEDIA
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Hello my subbies :)

Another day of vlogging whilst hanging around in London. I'm personally on a journey to hopefully get fitter for my Maldives trip!

Workout : Barry's Bootcamp Central
Trainers @faisalpmafitness

Abs Day
6 rounds of treadmill sessions, ranging from approximately 5-7 minutes.
- Interval sprints (maximum speed 12.5 mph / 20kph)
- Inclined runs
- Long distance steady running

6 rounds of core workout
- Leg raises
- Crunches
- Walking/Side Planks
- Weighted Sit ups
- Russian Twists
- Bicycle Crunch

Alternating between the two - treadmill, core work, until the end of the class

__________________________________________________________________________

My transformation video - How I Lost 46 Pounds:
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Hey Everyone!!!! So for today, I got the weekend off. We did sort of a big grocery shopping today. It is the first real grocery shopping in a long while. The Pay Day Friday before we did not do a real grocery shop so we were running low on stuff. Matthew had to work today. I hope you guys had a lovely first day of Spring. Thanks for watching & supporting my Channel.