raise the problem 中文的八卦，Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

為未來而教

翻轉教育閱讀 2之2 -- 教室內篇

“人生除了輸贏之外還有更多美好”

2015 年第一次讀這本書的時候，是一個從美國出差回來的晚上。但我一開始讀，就停不下來，一口氣讀完時已經半夜了，感動到時差全然消失！

後來，我買了100本要送給公司的主管們😄

雖然公司上班的我們都不是老師，但很多人是家長。更重要的是這本書廣義的來說，講到創造價值，講到領導改變，以及各種跨領域思維的學習與火花，這是每個人都需要的！

我非常認同葉教授講到的4大能力與6大軟實力

會思考/會表達/會自主學習/會面對未知變局

1. How to find resources？ 如何找資源
2. How to make friends？ 如何交朋友
3. How to play politics？ 如何盱衡情勢，合縱聯盟
4. How to identify the key problem？ 如何發現關鍵問題
5. How to impress people？ 如何讓人印象深刻
6. How to sell ideas？ 如何行銷創意

這個再版的書，除了延續第一版時的務實精神 （真的知道教育現場的問題），更多鼓勵老師們不被負面的社會氛圍綁架陷入無力感，而能從自己能著手的事情開始做起。

更棒的，是再怎麼多元的教育，如果還是一個輸贏的零合遊戲，那只是換湯不換藥。這次的再版，更多講到孩子們要面對的未來，不確定性更多，變化更快，需要的是團隊合作而非追求個人第一，需要更高等的快樂驅動努力而非被動的追求下一張“標籤”

“若希望扭轉下一代被輸贏綁架的人生，當孩子拿第一名的時候，請忍住不要嘴笑眼笑，沒能得名的時候，請細細審視他的努力。請讚許他為了解決問題而不斷的努力自我突破。請讚許他為了幫助夥伴而不惜犧牲自己的成敗。請讓他知道曾經有種快樂，是真正的快樂，是值得他付出努力追求的快樂”

另外推這些教育相關的8本好書（括號內是中文版書名）：

• "How to Raise Successful People"
• "林怡辰的閱讀教育”
• “人才自造者”
• “Lifelong Kindergarten" (學習就像終身幼兒園）
• "Mindset" （心態致勝）
• “Creative Schools" （讓天賦發光）
• "你就是改變的起點”
• "The One World School House"

書本鏈接在部落格中👇👇👇
https://dushuyizhi.net/%e7%82%ba%e6%9c%aa%e4%be%86%e8%80%8c%e6%95%99-%e5%85%a8%e6%96%b0%e5%86%8d%e7%89%88/

#為未來而教 #教育 #翻轉教育 #親子天下

為未來而教

翻轉教育閱讀 2之2 -\-\ 教室內篇

“人生除了輸贏之外還有更多美好”

2015 年第一次讀這本書的時候，是一個從美國出差回來的晚上。但我一開始讀，就停不下來，一口氣讀完時已經半夜了，感動到時差全然消失！

後來，我買了100本要送給公司的主管們😄

雖然公司上班的我們都不是老師，但很多人是家長。更重要的是這本書廣義的來說，講到創造價值，講到領導改變，以及各種跨領域思維的學習與火花，這是每個人都需要的！

我非常認同葉教授講到的4大能力與6大軟實力

會思考/會表達/會自主學習/會面對未知變局

1. How to find resources？ 如何找資源
2. How to make friends？ 如何交朋友
3. How to play politics？ 如何盱衡情勢，合縱聯盟
4. How to identify the key problem？ 如何發現關鍵問題
5. How to impress people？ 如何讓人印象深刻
6. How to sell ideas？ 如何行銷創意

這個再版的書，除了延續第一版時的務實精神 （真的知道教育現場的問題），更多鼓勵老師們不被負面的社會氛圍綁架陷入無力感，而能從自己能著手的事情開始做起。

更棒的，是再怎麼多元的教育，如果還是一個輸贏的零合遊戲，那只是換湯不換藥。這次的再版，更多講到孩子們要面對的未來，不確定性更多，變化更快，需要的是團隊合作而非追求個人第一，需要更高等的快樂驅動努力而非被動的追求下一張“標籤”

“若希望扭轉下一代被輸贏綁架的人生，當孩子拿第一名的時候，請忍住不要嘴笑眼笑，沒能得名的時候，請細細審視他的努力。請讚許他為了解決問題而不斷的努力自我突破。請讚許他為了幫助夥伴而不惜犧牲自己的成敗。請讓他知道曾經有種快樂，是真正的快樂，是值得他付出努力追求的快樂”

另外推這些教育相關的8本好書（括號內是中文版書名）：

• "How to Raise Successful People"
• "林怡辰的閱讀教育”
• “人才自造者”
• “Lifelong Kindergarten" (學習就像終身幼兒園）
• "Mindset" （心態致勝）
• “Creative Schools" （讓天賦發光）
• "你就是改變的起點”
• "The One World School House"

書本鏈接在部落格中👇👇👇
https://dushuyizhi.net/%e7%82%ba%e6%9c%aa%e4%be%86%e8%80%8…/

#為未來而教 #教育 #翻轉教育 #親子天下

【前港督彭定康錄影發言　促香港政府撤回修訂逃犯條例】

「我希望即使在這個最後階段，政府仍然可以退讓，撤回方案，不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過，亦不應該通過，香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會，而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。」

發言英文紀錄及中文翻譯：

Former Hong Kong Governor Lord Chris Patten video message Transcript

I know that this week in Hong Kong, thousands of people will be making their views clear, demonstrating against the proposals on extradition, which the government has put forward, extradition to China. It’s a proposal, or a set of proposals, which strike a terrible blow - I think - and so, I think to most people in Hong Kong and so does the international community, against the rule of law, against Hong Kong’s stability and security, against Hong Kong’s position as a great international trading hub. And the surprise is that the government in Hong Kong doesn’t seem to understand that. It does make you wonder sometimes who actually runs Hong Kong these days: is it the Hong Kong government or is it the joint liaison office acting on behalf of the communist regime in Beijing?

Why is this important? Well it’s the latest in a number of things that have happened in recent years which have tightened Beijing’s grip on Hong Kong, and which have profoundly worried people. I think for ten or a dozen years after 1997, things in Hong Kong went pretty well. Of course they could have gone better, I’m sorry that Beijing throttled the development of democracy, much against the promises that have been made earlier. But by and large, I think, Hong Kong remained a very free and successful society.

But ever since the regime in Beijing started to roll back Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and the developments that have taken place under Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji and Hu Jintao, and Wen Jiabao; ever since then, with the Party taking control over everything, cracking down on dissidents, cracking down on human rights, locking people up, incarcerating them in Xinjiang and so on. Ever since then, we know that Beijing has also been tightening its grip, or trying to, in Hong Kong. And I think that the latest proposals on extradition are an example of that.

Now a lot of very spurious arguments are put forward, it said that the present situation is a “loophole” which needs to be filled up - that’s absolute nonsense. People have known exactly why there shouldn’t be an extradition agreement with China for years, and many of the arguments put for the government’s proposals don’t actually pass the laugh-off-your-seat test. The argument that, well, it’s better to have an extradition treaty than to abduct people illegally from Hong Kong - are people really supposed to believe that?

Except for, but of course, Western democracies in Europe have extradition agreements with China, but they’re in a very different position to the position that Hong Kong is in. The reason why international chambers of commerce, why lawyers, why business around the world, why governments have raised their objections is very simple: because what these proposals do is to remove the firewall between Hong Kong’s rule of law and the idea of law - which prevails in Communist China - an idea of law where there aren’t any independent courts, where the courts and the security services and the party’s rules - which are, sometimes, pretty obscure - are rolled altogether. That’s why we’ve seen recently Canadian citizens that are locked up are taken as if it were hostage against things happening in Canada itself under the rule of law there. So it’s not surprising that people are so worried about what is happening.

I know that when people talk about the particular problem in relation to Taiwan, the leaders of the Hong Kong Bar Association over the last few years, I think a dozen of them, have put forward proposals which show how you could deal with that issue building on the existing common law.

So these proposals are bad for Hong Kong, they - I think - raise all sorts of questions which the government hasn’t even thought through, not least about Hong Kong’s economic importance and economic stability. We know very well that Hong Kong needs to be treated separately in economic and commercial matters from the rest of China. When I was governor a long time ago, I used to travel to Washington fairly regularly to argue the case for treating Hong Kong differently from, say, Shenzhen and Shanghai. But if you appear to be regarding Hong Kong from Beijing as though it was just another China city, then sooner or later, economic governments around the world, businesses around the world, when they’re looking even at things like the Belt and Road Initiative, they’re going to regard Hong Kong as just another part of China, and that would be really bad for the standard of living, for the quality of life in Hong Kong!

Above all, of course, if we go ahead, if the government goes ahead with this extradition agreement, it will cause unnecessary worries and anxieties in Hong Kong. That’s a really bad thing. I hope that even at this late stage, the government will back off and leave well alone. It doesn’t have to happen, it shouldn’t happen, and Hong Kong should carry on as a free society, under the rule of law, without having to worry about this extradition.

前港督彭定康錄影講話翻譯

我知道這星期在香港，成千上萬的人將會到街上遊行表達自己的意見，反對政府所提出將會容許引渡到中國的引渡修例建議。這是一項，或者應該說是一系列我及國際社會認為將會對香港的法治、香港的穩定和社會安全造成很大打擊的建議，它將會嚴重傷害香港作為一個國際貿易中心的地位。令人驚訝的是，香港政府似乎並不理解這一點。這確實令人懷疑這些日子究竟是誰在管治香港：是香港政府還是代表北京共產黨政權的中聯辦？

為甚麼這修例是這麼重要？這是近年來發生的一系列容許北京強行控制香港的事件之一，而這一直以來都讓人深感憂慮。我覺得在1997年之後的十年至十幾年，香港的情況進展尚算順利。當然，是本來可以更好，我很遺憾北京扼殺了香港民主的發展，違背了之前所作出的承諾。但總的來說，香港在那個時候仍然是一個非常自由和成功的社會。

但是，自北京政權開始推翻鄧小平的改革以及在江澤民、朱熔基、胡錦濤和溫家寶時期所推行的發展以後，共產黨控制着一切，打擊持不同政見的人，打擊人權，在新疆把人民關押等等。從那時起，我們就知道北京一直在試圖加緊控制香港。我認為最新的引渡建議就是一個例子。

現在香港政府提出了許多非常虛假的論點，它說目前的情況是展現了一個需要填補的「洞」，這絕對是胡說八道。大家多年來都確切地清楚知道不應該與中國達成引渡協議的原因。而政府提出的許多論點實際上也沒有一個不令你拍案大笑。政府認為制定引渡條約比從香港非法綁架人民更好，你認真覺得人們應該相信這個說法嗎？

當然他們又會說歐洲的西方民主國家與中國已經簽訂了引渡協議，但它們與香港根本處於完全不同的地位。國際商會、律師、商人及各國政府之所以提出反對意見的原因非常簡單：因為這些修例將會摧毀香港法治與中國共產黨的法治概念之間的防火牆。中國的法律觀念不包括任何獨立的法院，並把法院、國安部門以及黨的規則 （黨規則亦有時相當模糊）完全混在一起。這就是為甚麼我們最近看到被關起來的加拿大公民被用為人質，反對加拿大本身在她自己國家的法治下所發生的事情。因此，人們如此擔心這修例所帶來的影響並不奇怪。

我知道當人們都正在談到與台灣有關的問題之際，過去幾年的香港大律師公會領導人，應該是有十幾位，都已經提出意見，說明你如何就着香港現行的普通法來處理這個問題。

這些修例對香港不利，我認為這些修例所引發的疑問是甚至政府都沒有仔細考慮過的，尤其是對香港經濟重要性和經濟穩定性的影響。我們非常清楚在經濟和商業方面是需要把香港與中國其他地區分開對待。很久以前，當我還是港督的時候，我經常前往華盛頓游說對方看待香港的時候要跟對待深圳和上海之類的中國城市有所不同。但是如果以北京的角度看香港，將香港當為另一個普通中國城市，那麼世界各地的政府及企業將會視香港為中國的一部分（而不是特區），就算是看待「一帶一路」之類倡議時亦會是如此。這對香港的生活水平和生活質素都是非常不利的！

當然，最重要的是如果香港政府繼續硬推這些引渡修例，這將會在香港引起不必要的憂慮和焦慮。這些都是非常糟糕的事情。我希望即使在這個最後階段，政府仍然可以退讓，撤回方案，不要再添亂。這修例不需要通過，亦不應該通過，香港應該繼續是一個有法治、有自由的社會，而不應該面對這些令人憂心的引渡修例。