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...Continue ReadingWe are friends

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Friends, readers.

Supposedly one day, a company is allowed to make gold mines near your house that has been colored for a long time. He started producing and mineral. Not long ago. The chemical used to produces the chemicals used to leak along the public creek. Yours, your village, your neighbors, your parents, siblings, thousands of people. Almost four thousand families are sick and still have to eat chemical contaminated food every day.

What will friends do?

Unfortunately, the incident is a real event that happened at khao luang sub-District, Wang Saphung District, province.

Unfortunately, the voices of villagers there may not be as loud as the voices of fellow communications experts through social media.

In 2556, six villagers gathered on behalf of the homeland rak to file a federal court to order for the minister of industry and commissioner of industry and mining duty to supervise the mining companies to perform the terms. Cards and licenses for mines without impact on the environment and community.

But then the result is to beat the villagers and tie their hands on the back to many injured.

After the coup. Assigned to local military units to take care of gold mine. There are appointed ' Provincial Gold Mines ' committee that villagers disagree with and ask for solutions according to the people's proposal for reasons that the solution that affect the life of the life of the life of They should let them participate in the decision.

But then the result is the leader of homeland and students who call to report to adjust attitude.

And this group of students we know them as 'dao din', students from faculty of law, khon kaen university, who camp to learn society. They are on the area with villagers around the golden mines, Wang Saphung District. Many years from seniors to juniors. Study information and work with villagers all along, not only in this government days.

For villagers in the area, the soil star is not different from children and grandchildren who come to help each other and take care

After coup, the movement to fight gold mines are more restricted and always connected to politics, basically fighting for the quality of life of life.

From the light sound, it can barely make noise. It's easy. City people like us haven't heard about the villagers in wang saphung district.

Once in 2556, while the riot police will break down, villagers who come to gather to hear comments after cuddle states, keep people from commenting. Only allow those who agree to go in one side when it comes to face. Set up a human wall to protect villagers from the force of officers.

Students Help villagers who are in trouble against power of cuddle states and capital power.

Friends, if we were villagers in Wang Saphung District, how would we feel about these students?

...

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Once upon a time, when I was still studying at the faculty of cuddle, Chulalongkorn University, I had a chance to read the magazine ' special edition of ' 14 October 2516 ' while chasing my eyes on the story in it. I had a question. In mind why young people in that era have strength and aspirations are different from young people in our generation.

Their aspirations are national social level, not a dream of personal success. Want to work in a famous company. Want a lot of salary, want bonus months a year or something.

Their problem is looking forward to change society to more equality. Help be a voice for farmers, poor people to be more justice in life than ever.

So what are we doing?

I've heard many adults say that the problem of education in the post-term is scheduled to serve capitalism, workers, employees log in to work, meet business entrepreneurs. Look at the problems that teachers have given us. We can't deny that it's true. Students like us design expensive chairs, interia, Luxury Hotel, five Star Spa, cool graphics, cool design, almost no design to solve problems for little ones or to solve the problems of disadvantaged people in society.

It seems like we live in different worlds.

It's not that students don't want to use knowledge to help society, but we barely have that mode because we live in a world far away from the problems of those little people.

Of course, the problem that the teacher gives us is a necessary problem for professional assembly. But if we look at the other way, if we live in the same society, we should know the problem and try to use the knowledge that we have studied to figure out how to solve it for friends. Isn't it society? But we have never been taught to look that way. These days may start to have some.

And this is a common thing in Thai University. The bond connects the relationship between students and social problems. The story of society. The misery of social friends is faded.

...

3

After the students of the soil star came out to move and arrested to military court, we heard both adults in the city and comment on Facebook say, " admire students who made a reputation for the country in science, Sports. Come out to this move. Let's stop because it makes the city unpeaceful " or the words like " why are students ranting. Why is the duty of students to study " or even the saying " these look like students, but they look like beast. Say "

I feel sad after listening to Thai society. Students who think about social friends fighting for justice. Become students that adults don't want. What kind of students do we want?

Some people write comments to ask these students, " when the government cheat, why don't you come out to shrink their head which I think this is the same thing, whether the cuddle government, cuddle government, cuddle, the election or government used. The unjust power that comes from taking over should be investigated, and the ground stars have fought both governments.

Arrests of din students is not sad because cuddle government officials arrested a group of students who fight for justice for villagers, but this arrest will scare many students and citizens who wish society. It is a cut off the idea of dreams. And hope is not only for young people, not only for the people, but it is also a cut of the thoughts, dreams and hopes of Thai society.

Because it tells us that this society does not value fighting for justice for fellow society.

If you let this happen, what do we want to see society?

...

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A society where people laugh at when students who fight for the justice of villagers are arrested. What kind of society is this?

Don't we really need sense citizens for social associates?

If our family has to drink chemical contaminated creek, don't we really need sympathy from anyone? If our friends have to drink chemical contaminated water, we will shrug and say that first cry. Why would we really live like that?

If the soil stars fought for us for our village, would we look at him differently from now?

One day these students may ask for something for us or wait until that day so we think they did the right thing.

For me, din star is an example of students who are hard to find in Thai society. Both their dedication and courage are all up to be salute. I respect them for seeing villagers as ' friend s'. What happens is villagers. See them as ' friend s' as well

Feeling grateful for ' friend s' like this. It's a magical thing with the overall society because it creates an atmosphere of being part of each other. Sympathy for each other. Help each other to happen in society.

This is the ' friend ' that is missing from Thai society because we keep thinking about ' personal issue '
Many people may be bored of politics, bored of movement, calling and like the city is peaceful. But we have to ask who ' peaceful ' is peaceful and peaceful for anyone when there are people who benefit from this ' peace ' and need to make noise for others to hear. Fighting for my own life

Therefore, a peaceful city without contending or disputing is a world that tucked under the carpet. Press over the cries of many people from hearing.

Peace is beyond invisible suffering

Therefore, democracy is important because it opens the opportunity for every voice to speak, make noise.

Every voice speaks the same loud and the same important.

...

5

Before being arrested, these students wear shirts with letters, " we are friends I think this word means another aspect hidden in it. If ' friend ' are the ones who see each other's suffering and don't think about themselves. These students are. Friends of villagers are friends of the people.

'we' are all the people.

As for the real ' Devil ' or ' BEAST ' is the opposite of the people. No matter who they are, no matter how they come, election comes to take power. If the opposite of the people, don't listen to the voice, don't focus, don't think about the benefit of all people Truly, we should stand beside each other to make noise to expel demons together.

Leaders. If you see that we are friends. If we are beside the people, we have to listen to each other. Open the opportunity to comment, not to fix it, but to catch those who come out to warn or adjust attitude.

'we' should fight corps cuddle together and fight against unrighteous power together.

Fighting all kinds of unrighteousness is necessary.

There may be different opinions. If you don't like Mr. Thaksin. If you don't like khun prayut, let's say (which is not strange if anyone doesn't like both of them). But if you see that you shouldn't fight for disadvantaged people who Should let these people express their thoughts. This one would be a big deal.

The peaceful society that we want should be a society where people care about each other's problems and suffering. Listen to exchange civilized opinions, not peaceful because of other people's mouth or neglect. Don't care about suffering

A society like that may seem peaceful just because we can't hear or ignore other people's cries.

As a person who lives in the same society. #Are we friends?

If you are not friends with the people, who will we be friends with?Translated

"*Mother of the year 2018 and Parents of the year 2018 from Amarin baby & kids Magazine ❤️ #thankyouverymuchforyourvote . @bie_kpn .
.ขอบคุณผู้อ่านอมรินทร์เบบี้ แอนด์ คิดส์ ทุกคนที่โหวตให้กุ๊บกิ๊บได้รางวัลคุณแม่ต้นแบบแห่งปี2018 และ ให้บ้านเราได้รับรางวัล ครอบครัวต้นแบบแห่งปี2018 รางวัลทั้ง2รางวัลนี้เราจะไม่มีวันได้เลยถ้าไม่ได้ สามีที่ดี ลูกที่น่ารัก และครอบครัวใหญ่ที่แสนอบอุ่น รางวัลนี้จะเป็นกำลังใจให้กับคุณแม่ทุกคน คุณพ่อ และครอบครัวทุกบ้าน ว่าเราทุกคนก็สามารถเป็นคุณพ่อคุณแม่ที่ดีได้ เพียงแค่เราเป็นเราในเวอร์ชั่นที่ดีที่สุด เราก็จะเป็นพ่อแม่ที่เลี้ยงลูกในแบบของเราได้ดีที่สุดเช่นกัน และเมื่อพวกเราพ่อแม่และครอบครัวมีความสุข ลูกของเราก็จะเติบโตมาอย่างมีความสุขและอบอุ่นเช่นกัน.... #ปลูกอะไรได้อย่างนั้น#รักในสายของพี่ชายที่มองน้อง#โตมาด้วยกัน#เลื่อนดูรูปเรื่อยๆ
#รูปสุดท้ายคือผู้อยู่เบื้องหลังของรางวัลนี้ ไม่มีเปาแม่ไม่ได้รางวัลนี้นะ

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.

今集同大家分享下五個溫書的貼士。雖然D貼士可能有少少...廢....，但志在比大家輕鬆下，搞笑下！雖然考試真係好辛苦，不過大家要撐著啊！祝大家考試成功同埋情人節快樂！全港學生加油啊！

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英語這種國際語言世界通行，但每個地方總有不同，有美式、英式……，不知何時開始，還有「港式」……香港人之間溝通無間，但外國人肯定聽得一頭霧水，我們明明由三歲開始學英文，但學了十幾二十年，都無法好好運用英語，到底是為什麼呢？

參考資料

Monica Goh. (英國文化協會幼兒英語課程高級導師). Tips for parents helping their child learn English at home

Saka, D. (2015, February 17). British Council Interviews Stephen Krashen part 2 of 3. Retrieved from YouTube

S. D., Krashen. (2009, July). Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition.

R. W., McCaul. (2016, February 11). Can we learn a second language like we learned our first? Retrieved from British Council

S., Krashen. (n.d.). The Comprehension Hypothesis Extended. In Input Matters in SLA. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. (pp. 81-94).

S., Krashen. (2004). The Case for Narrow Reading. In Language Magazine 3(5):17-19.

VLOG 23: Sabah: Beautiful people produces beautiful children!

I am so happy to come home to emcee Parents Avenue Magazine Cover Search. Thank you Stella Matilda for trusting me with the honour!

We stayed at the gorgeous Hyatt Regency Kota Kinabalu and whizzed about town with the all new Subaru Forester (Thanks Sebangga Auto KK)

Bev and Nel from MUAH Academy came to doll me up and I wore a unique black lace dress from Somerset, Metrojaya Suria Sabah.

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