hong kong economic times的八卦，Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

【大使館發言人批評意大利國會邀請我作聽證 外交部長反駁斥捍衛言論自由】

感謝意大利國會議員邀請，日前我藉視像通話方式，參與意大利國會外交及人權委員會的聽證會，呼籲意大利支持香港實現民主普選，停止出口衝鋒車予香港警察，亦鼓勵他們參考《香港人權民主法案》醞釀制裁機制。

聽證結束以後，本來當地關注尚算有限，但中國駐意大利使館發言人高調發表聲明批評意大利國會議員「執意與黃之鋒搞視頻通話，為港獨分子撐腰」，就令到香港議題再度進佔輿論版面。

根據「中國外交Bingo紙」，聲明內文中了至少9個關鍵詞，包括斥我「竭力 #顛倒黑白，#美化暴力，詆毁一國兩制……是個徹頭徹尾的港獨 #跳樑小丑」，還有「#極其錯誤、#不負責任」，表示 #強烈不滿、#堅決反對，呼籲有關人士 #尊重主權（？？？），多做有利中意友好與合作事宜，這只反映中國外交系統何等「玻璃心」。

據意大利記者告知，中國駐意大利大使館發言人的取態，導致意大利外交部長及國會議員先後回應，表明捍衛言論自由，反對中國政府阻礙交流；同時，政界與傳媒亦深深體會到中共威權擴張的可怕，相信此舉只會有助香港令國際社會明白，為何與香港同行就是捍衛自由。

作用曾遭中共駐多國使館均曾批評人士，我已對一切批評見怪不怪，也由衷感謝中國外交系統的批評，往往本來聽證會也沒有甚麼關注，但只要大使館發言批評，就令到香港議題再度進佔輿論版面。我會繼續努力，讓世界看見香港，與香港同行。

最後，附上自己的國會發言全文給各位細閱：

Thursday, 28 November 2019
Italy Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Testimony by Joshua Wong

Good afternoon,

May I first express our heartfelt gratitude to the Senate’s generous invitation to give testimony before the honourable Senators and Congressmen, even though I’m not allowed to fly to Italy. The very moment I was rejected by the court to travel, I felt that it was even worse than deciding my sentences in jail as I would not be able to meet with friends in Europe to explain our cause for democracy and freedom.

Implications of Local Election result

As you may aware of Hong Kong’s local election record-high turnout, almost 3 million Hong Kong people, in a community and policy-based election, had cast ballot to express our discontent to the government and huge distrust to the Beijing authorities. Democrats went up to 385 seats, but the largest pro-Beijing party DAB, who owned 119 seats in the last term, had reduced to 21 seats.

The significance of this election to the world is that HK's current political crisis must be resolved by political solution, instead of policing force. The implications of this election are more than the number of seats in the council, but a sharp political message to the world that Hong Kong people stand with fellow protestors, and our resolve to free elections and a thoroughly independent investigation on police brutality. These humble demands are denied by China since 1997.

Civil Liberties Denied

Unfortunately, I have the most frequent encounters of civil liberties deprivation recently. At first, I went protesting against the controversial extradition bill, exercising my freedom to assembly. The government arrested me and charged me of inciting people taking part in an unlawful assembly. Then I went contesting in this local election, yet the government banned me from running for office because of my political stance. I turned to international advocacy, planning to fly to Italy explain to friends in Europe our democratic and peaceful cause. Regrettably, the court thought this Senate hearing is not important and rejected my travel application. Following the court decision, it's clear now I'm deprived of the right to election, freedom of movement, freedom of assembly (not allowed to appear on designated area), and freedom of speech. The civil liberties guaranteed in the constitution are however no longer applicable to me.

The principle of ‘One Country, Two Systems’ is a fragile ruling philosophy defining China-Hong Kong relations, guaranteeing the global financial city its autonomy. But in the past 22 years, Beijing intervened on many fronts already. Since 2014, Hong Kong’s civil society, particularly student leaders, had become the target of revenge in the past 5 years. I was arrested for 3 times, prosecuted and later imprisoned for my leading role in the Umbrella Movement. My colleague, Nathan Law, the youngest Councillor in HK’s history, was unseated and later imprisoned for the same reason. So this time people learnt from the experience and not to rely on particular ‘leading activists’ in order to prevent them from exposing to political prosecution. Besides, In the past three years, altogether Six elected legislators are disqualified for ridiculous reasons and led to an uninvited constitutional re-interpretation by Beijing.

Most recently in last week, Chinese troops, not only ready to be deployed, they have actually deployed soldiers near university area with an excuse to 'clear the barricades' of the streets. It is important to voice out to the global community, which is an attempt to coerce China's aggressive behavior using international pressure.

Trusted and Self-correcting protestors VS Abusive Police Power

In the past five months, I took a lot of interviews from journalists all over the world who are interested in reporting Hong Kong. They often find it difficult to understand why a social movement can be led without a leader, why protestors’ use of force is tolerated by fellow Hong Kong people and whether there is foreign forces behind this movement. Behind all these questions, I would like to appeal to you two messages:
firstly, the police brutality is far more serious than what is reported. Pregnant women also got beaten by police; young female (who is not a protestor) was gang raped inside the police station and many others

Secondly, there is strong and mutual trust among protestors. Certainly, protestors always have different tactical viewpoints. But there are apparently some principles guiding protestors’ decision-making, to name a few: to achieve the five demands, to prevent casualty, to avoid being arrested and to achieve mass support. These principles are essential, although we have suffered a lot of notorious police brutality in the past five months, making us more determined to fight for the five demands in solidarity.

As I mentioned the above, I realise these features are the important elements when practising democracy - mutual trust, transparency, people’s mandate, checks-and-balance. It is just ironic that Hong Kong is far from practising full democracy and free election under the authoritarian rule of Xi Jinping.

Another Frontier: International Advocacy

International advocacy is another frontier that Hong Kong people are keen on taking part in. It is the reason why I find compelled to travel and explain our cause and demands to the world. Before testifying in this committee, I attended an assembly an hour ago to yield for international support and to express our acknowledgement to advocacy efforts on the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. The bill is signed by the US President today to coerce and prevent further human rights violation in Hong Kong. I also wrote to several Italian papers to share the viewpoints of the protestors during this period. To enhance the understanding of Hong Kong and deteriorating human right situation in China is essential for world leaders to make an informed choice in their collaboration with the Chinese authorities too.

Why Italy should care about Hong Kong?

However, I have to say I'm quite disappointed reading the Italy Foreign Minister’s Luigi Di Maio indifferent remarks on the dire human rights situation in Hong Kong. Prolonged police brutality since June this year, what protestors facing are live round bullets. Not to mention the fact that some Italian car factories like IVECO did play a part in the brutality of Hong Kong police by supplying police vehicles. I believe a responsible state like Italy should take the conscience of human dignity into consideration.

In fact, Hong Kong can serve as a story to learn from. We were unaware of the Chinese regime's intention to gain influence and control over our economy in the early years. And our economy now is to some extent too reliant on China, which makes our battle for freedom and democracy harder. Italy should stay alert to the reliance on Chinese economic interests. There's no free lunch in the world.

Many would say I am over worrying or being too skeptical about China. But the truth is China is known for not playing by the rules and has a notorious track record for its human rights violations. The failure of 'One Country Two Systems' in Hong Kong represents the notorious track record of China not honouring the international treaty signed in 1984. Besides, there are hundreds of thousands of Muslim Uighurs have been detained in camps without trial now. Victims have come forth and said they are forced to take medicines that lead to infertility, young female Uighurs are forced into marriage with Chinese officials to exchange for the safety of their families. 30 years ago, the Chinese Government sent tanks against its own people on the 4th June despite the public and global attention. It almost happened last week in two universities lockdown and it is my view that the international pressure had prevented this massacre from happening.

Possible Actions by Italy

Finally, I understand that Business leaders and politicians worry that if they directly confront China on its human rights abuses, it could jeopardize future deals. Yet it is my humble wish Italy will also be truth-ful to the promises the European Union has made. EU have pledged themselves to defend and advocate for human rights in neighboring countries and the world and promised to never directly or indirectly encourage human rights violations. Italy and the rest of the free world should refrain from turning a blind eye to this.

Our position is clear: HK people are defending not only the civil liberties, democratic values and economic freedom of this international city. Standing up against the largest authoritarian regime after the Cold War, we shall continue our fight for democracy lest HK becomes a police state nor an authoritarian state. I appeal to you to stand with the people of Hong Kong.

Thank you.

嗚嗚嗚，香港人加油！

截至昨晚八時
已確定刊登廣告嘅報章包括
6月27日英國《金融時報》美國版和亞洲版頭版右下角
6月28日美國《紐約時報》（New York Times）頭版全版
6月28日日本《日本時報》（The Japan Times）第二版四分之一版
6月29日日本《日本時報》（The Japan Times）第9版全版

以下為刊登於紐約時報的全版廣告 (6月28日 刊登)

Save Hong Kong At G20

Dear New York Times Readers,

We are a group of concerned citizens who have been among the two million protesters marching on the streets of Hong Kong. This is our sincere plea for your help to defend our sovereignty and freedoms. Here is why you should care.

In 2019, the Hong Kong SAR Government proposed a bill that would allow the extradition of alleged “fugitives” from Hong Kong to China, a country that is notorious for its disrespect for the rule of law. The judicial system in China has a conviction rate of 99.9%, and prisoners are known to have suffered from severe violations of human rights.

Bankers, businessmen, tourists, and even ordinary Hongkongers could be arrested and sent to China for trials of alleged crimes and fabricated accusations. Hong Kong will cease to be a free economic zone, which has long served the world’s most prominent businesses.

This is why two million of us took to the streets. We were unarmed. We had only helmets, umbrellas and plastic wrap. In return, the police suppressed us by unleashing 150 tear gas canisters shot in close range, aiming batons at our heads, and firing rubber bullets and bean bag rounds. Numerous peaceful protesters were unjustifiably arrested, interrogated, and stigmatized as “rioters".

Hong Kong’s Chief Executive Carrie Lam has announced a suspension of the Extradition Bill which is NOT equivalent to withdrawal. We urge our government to agree to our three demands:

1. To completely withdraw the Extradition Bill.
2. To release all the arrested unconditionally and undertake not to prosecute any of the protestors.
3. To appoint an independent commission of inquiry to look into incidents of police brutality.

In view of the upcoming G20 summit and the meeting between Trump and Xi, we implore you to deliver our concerns and demands to your governments. We urge you to stand with us in preserving Hong Kong’s freedom and autonomy under Chinese rule.

Thank you.

Yours truly,
Hongkongers

蕭叔叔短評被譽為「人生有呢種朋友不枉此生」的黃仁龍那十頁紙求情信

全文：

http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001

（報章轉載錯漏不少，敬請留意）

I have known Mr Donald Tsang since 2005. As Secretary for Justice (SJ), I worked closely with Donald as Chief Executive (CE) between October 2005 and June 2012. In addition to official dealings, I consider Donald to be a good friend and someone I admire for his dedication to public service.

Donald's over 40 years of service and contribution to Hong Kong is a matter of public record. Others will speak to his key role in helping Hong Kong weather through stormy financial crises. Here I would refer to his significant contributions to the public based on my own personal experience particularly in the area of the rule of law in Hong Kong.

During my 7-year tenure as SJ, I had on numerous occasions tendered legal advice to Donald as CE. He would sometimes debate with me and test the basis of the advice; but he has never acted against such legal advice. This in itself is a remarkable attribute as the head of the HKSAR.

Donald always said to me the Governors he previously worked with, however headstrong, would always abide by the legal advice of the Attorney General, and it is important that the CE of the HKSAR should stay that way.

Congo Case

One of the most important tasks, if not the most important task, of the CE of HKSAR is to faithfully and effectively implement the principle of “one country, two systems.” The power of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) to interpret the Basic Law and its exercise have always been considered a major challenge to the post-1997 constitutional order.

During my tenure as SJ, the NPCSC interpreted the Basic Law once in 2011. That was upon the reference by the Court of Final Appeal (CFA) on the question of state immunity. The issue in the case is whether the People’s Republic of China’s doctrine of absolute immunity (under which no foreign state can be sued in the court at all) should be followed in Hong Kong. Prior to 1997, Hong Kong’s common law provided for restrictive immunity, where foreign states could be sued if the dispute arouse out of commercial transactions.

The HKSAR Government lost in the Court of First Instance and in the Court of Appeal. If the Government were to lose again in the CFA, it could stir up serious political and economic repercussions for China particularly vis-à-vis her African friends. National interest of China was at stake. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was understandably very concerned.

Immense political pressure mounted. There were suggestions that Beijing should not take any risk but should consider taking more definitive measures such as an interpretation of the Basic Law before the appeal was heard. If that were to happen, on the eve of the appeal hearing, the damage to judicial independence would not be less than an overriding post-judgment interpretation.

I cannot go into further details for confidentiality reasons. However, I can testify that Donald has been solid and staunch in endorsing my stance against any extra-judicial measure in view of its adverse impact on the rule of law.

Owing in no small part to Donald’s endorsement and resolve, the Central People’s Government (CPG) was content to trust the HKSAR Government and the CFA, and to leave the appeal to be heard by the highest court, despite grave risk and many conflicting views given by others. At the end, the Government won in the CFA by a majority of 3 to 2. The Court further referred the relevant Basic Law provisions to Beijing for interpretation, as required under Article 158 of the Basic Law, before pronouncing the final judgment. A huge constitutional crisis was warded off. The rule of law had prevailed.

Over this difficult episode, I know Donald had been under tremendous pressure. I remember often times he suffered from acute acid reflux before and after major discussions. Yet he stood firm throughout.

As CE, Donald had faithfully discharged the indispensable trust reposed by both the CPG and by Hong Kong. He had the courage to stand by what he believes to be right and the ability to address mutual concerns and to strengthen mutual understanding. He had performed well the crucial bridging role in the two-way process under “one country, two systems” at critical times.

Constitutional Reform

There was another important event in which Donald’s principled stance had been vital in achieving a favourable result for Hong Kong: constitutional reform.

Although no change could be made of the imminent 2017 CE election method due to the set-backs in 2016, during Donald’s tenure as CE, he has been made significant contributions toward moving Hong Kong closer to universal suffrage.

The first landmark was achieved, with tremendous efforts by the core team under Donald’s lead, when the NPCSC delivered its decision in December 2007 setting out “the timetable” and “road map” for universal suffrage in terms of the elections of CE and Legco.

Second, in 2010, the Government managed to secure Legco’s support to pass the 2012 constitutional reform package. Here, Donald had played a pivotal role, one perhaps not many are aware of.

Whether the 2012 reform package could be passed in 2010 was crucial to ensure “gradual and orderly progress” and that the next round (i.e. the intended goals of universal suffrage in electing CE in 2017) could be achieved.

In June 2010, the original government proposal was losing support and hope was vanishing for it to be passed at Legco. Time was running out. Whether to modify the package by incorporating a proposal of the Democratic Party (i.e. the additional 5 District Council Functional Constituency seats to be elected by over 3 million electorate, “the new DCFC election method”) appeared to be the lynchpin.

Without going into details again for confidentiality reasons, I can again testify that the make-or-break moment was when Donald made the timely and difficult decision to revise the package by incorporating the new DCFC election method. It was an agonizing decision for him as he had to override certain internal opposition and to risk personal credibility and trust before the CPG. As an insider, I know that decision was not a political manoeuvre but a selfless act for the sake of the long-term wellbeing of Hong Kong and the smooth transition toward universal suffrage.

Son of Hong Kong

Donald is truly a “son of Hong Kong” (香港仔). His genuine concern for the public good is most vividly demonstrated when Hong Kong was caught in crises of one kind of another.

Hong Kong went through attacks of avian flu and swine flu. Donald tirelessly headed the cross-bureau task forces and chaired long and intensive meetings. I remember more than once Donald being caught in very heated debates with colleagues, pushing them to the limit to mobilize maximum resources and manpower, in order to give the public maximum protection against these outbreaks. He would grill colleagues over thorny issues such as requisitioning hotels as places of quarantine, not satisfied with the usual civil service response of reluctance, as lives of many were at stake.

Over the Manila hostage incident in August 2010, Donald vigorously pressed the President of the Philippines for full investigation, joining the victims’ families and the rest of Hong Kong to cry for justice, although his action raised eyebrows as foreign affairs strictly is a matter of the CPG under Article 13 of the Basic Law.

Donald had a strong concern for young people. During my tenure, exceptionally I was commissioned to chair a Steering Committee to combat drug abuse by youth. The public might not realize this initiative in fact came from Donald. He was deeply concerned and alarmed by the reports reflecting the seriousness of the problem. He was determined to tackle the problem pro-actively. The Steering Committee was unprecedented, involving concerted and strategic efforts of different departments and bureaus. More importantly, Donald was instrumental in putting in substantial and sustainable resources to strengthen the efforts. The figures of reported drug abusers, particularly among young abusers, have seen significant decline in the past few years.

Other contributions on the rule of law

There was no shortage of controversial cases involving judicial reviews and fundamental human rights. Amidst other voices and political pressure, Donald had fully taken on board the legal position that the Government has a positive duty to protect such rights, including taking reasonable and appropriate measures to enable lawful demonstrations to take place peacefully.

Further, Donald also readily took on my advice regarding procedural fairness in handling Government businesses with quasi-judicial element such as administrative appeals.

Donald truly believes in judicial independence. He assured me repeatedly the independent and internationally renowned Judiciary in the HKSAR is our pride and the cornerstone of our success. His personal commitment to this cause is manifested in his positive response in acceding to many recommendations of the Mason Report endorsed by the Standing Committee on Judicial Salaries and Conditions of Service.

Furthermore, his conviction on the importance of the law as Hong Kong’s assets was amply manifested in his exceptional support in the development of Hong Kong’s capacity as an international arbitration centre. Donald was very understanding on the need of expansion on this front and had put in personal efforts to make it happen. He was instrumental in enabling resources are in place to secure additional space for the Hong Kong International Arbitration Centre, and to procure the arbitration arm of the International Chamber of Commerce and the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission to set up regional offices in Hong Kong.

A fair man who has given much to the public

Before joining the Government, I was an Election Committee member of the Legal Subsector elected on the same ticket as Ms Audrey Eu, Mr Alan Leong and other vocal barristers. In that capacity, in 2005, I first met Donald in an election forum where I questioned him harshly and criticised the Government’s earlier attitude over certain rule of law issues. Instead of bearing any grudge, in the late summer of 2005, Donald invited me to take up the post as SJ, assuring me that he would give me full support in upholding the rule of law in Hong Kong. That quality of fairness in Donald and that personal assurance to me have never slackened in the following 7 years in which I served in his cabinet.

As CE of the HKSAR, Donald had truly poured himself out. I strongly believe his significant contributions to Hong Kong in the past over 4 decades should be properly recognized.

Dated the 20th day of Februray 2017.

Wong Yan Lung SC

- See more at: http://m.mingpao.com/ins/instantnews/web_tc/article/20170220/s00001/1487583133001#sthash.0nwGN3QA.dpuf

來源視頻 和 金融原理解釋，見本頁頁底。
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網上討論會
(請在本視頻的議論欄發言。有見地的內容，我會抄貼到這裏下面。)
討論會題目﹕
假如郭文貴關於港幣貶值的預言屬實，港府(如突然敢冒大不諱行駛基本法賦與的高度自治權)可以做什麼，來挽救廣大市民，避免或減少損失?
^^^^^^^^^^今後, 以上管叫[總題目]^^^^^^^^^^

F (Zen Gong指 1. 中國銀行發鈔，有可能背後的美元儲備有水份。2. 發鈔量是美元儲備的4.2倍。 )
1. Money Supply M2 in Hong Kong is $14,063 billion HKD in August 2018. HK's Foreign Exchange Reserves is $424.8 billion USD in August.
https://tradingeconomics.com/hong-kon...
https://tradingeconomics.com/hong-kon...
The problem is: the figures are provided by all banks based on a honest system. HSBC & HK Chartered Bank are British banks they would play by the rule. But China Bank (HK)'s $USD reserve is in HK or Beijin? as part of China's $USD? i.e. they can have no $USD at all in HK. M1 are bank notes, bank credit & plastic monies, M2/M3 include short/long term credit. They can switch between easily that make auditing extremely difficult.
2. In HK's Foreign Exchange Reserve basket the composition mainly (80+% by IMF rule) is $USD, rest are Euro, Yen and Yuan. The fixed rate is a 7.8. The $USD reserve is USD$424.8 billion and HK's M2 money supply is HK$14,063 billion in August. The variable/unpegged rate should be HK$14,063/US$424.8=33.1 not 7.8 today. Or, USD $424.8B x 7.8= HK $3,313 billion its USD reserve can support, not HK$14, 063 billion M2. HK printed 4.2 times monies it should, not including M3 (long term credit) and figures provided by banks might be grossly exaggerated.

E (KIU WAI LAM 提供一些具體數字)
香港最新外匯儲備資產數字
香港金融管理局（金管局）2018年10月5日（星期五）公布，香港於2018年9月底的官方外匯儲備資產為4,264億美元（2018年8月底為4,248億美元）（附件）。
連同未交收外匯合約在內，香港於2018年9月底的外匯儲備資產為4,188億美元（2018年8月底為4,172億美元）。
為數4,264億美元的外匯儲備資產總額，相當於香港流通貨幣約7倍，或港元貨幣供應M3約46%。

D (原來“ 路德社”頻道有更專業和深入的討論，我請你請參考)
連結: https://youtu.be/Tx7oY042u7g
10/13/2018 路德时评（对冲基金大佬良心小哥）：这几天大量突增的对港币维稳的洗脑文章，以及12日港财政司司长突赴京与央行行长商讨对策，港币是否能夠撐的住？(普通話)
點題:
1. 設郭文貴說白港幣將貶值的(中國日期)10月10日是day 1； days 2 & 3 立刻發生幾件事:(i)國內有貌似專業的長文講港元不會同美元脱鈎, 被容許發表；但列舉了香港M0, M1, M3的數字, 偏偏不提最相關的M2。(ii)財政司司長陳茂波赴京見中央銀行行長易綱, 但報導非常簡短，耐人尋味; 可能反映他們要暗示中央會為港元托底, 但又不敢說白有危機。
2. 全面回顧了1997年索羅斯狙擊港元的歷史, 及其意義, 又指出事前事後北京可都視索羅斯為"中國的老朋友", 貴為上賓。
3. 嘉賓講者特別提出, 索羅斯狙擊英鎊和其他金融操作佳績連年, 當年狙擊港元卻要敗退, 是中共津津樂道的威水史, 但是, 剛剛以非法交易罪宣判郭文貴的政泉公司案罰款600億人民幣破了全球有史以來最高罰金的紀錄, 卻無大吹大擂, 是盜國賊自知理虧, 底氣不足, 缺乏自信, 末日近矣。
4. 1:21:00有網友問港府可不可以禁止做空港幣, 算是對下面A貼的[總題目]的一個回答, 嘉賓講者以A3的邏輯回答。從路德的總結, 又可推算即使港府敢開徵「炒港幣稅」, 中共也麻煩，因為暴露了盜國賊違法造成港幣超發來吸金，將斷了這條吸金的通道，配合當世界出現其他反共招數的時候, 中共少了這金融“後援”, 會加速潰敗。這也局部回答了A5的道德兩難的困惑。

C (明杜志可算是回應以下的A4點)
1. hk foreign reserve got only 300 billion us dollars
2. 沖唔到港元架，香港有2萬億港元再加銀行體糸可以回撥，金管局可以下令唔借港元比外資沽空，其實97金融風暴已經沖過，佢地沽港股抽高個息再沽港元，結果佢地都係輸住走，如果甘易沽到港元脫勾，港元一早脫左啦

B (Eric Chan 可算是回應以下的A5點)
身為香港人, 雖然唔情願港紙遭受狙擊, 但若一時陣痛換來長治久安, 香港人亦唯有默默承受!!

[從這裏開始，... 的符號表示原文已大幅刪節，因為Youtube說明欄的上限是5000字符，業已超過。請到Tsui Hon Kwong頻道和花生台本視頻的留言欄閱讀全文。]

A (我自己來開個頭)
Tsui Hon Kwong: 港府可以宣佈徵收「炒港幣稅」！細節如下。
1. 把正常經濟活動和炒買炒賣港幣兩種行為分開。再細節，1.1 例如，...如能開具證明，是正常經濟活動所需，不在規管範圍之內。...1.2 怎樣防止假證明？...尤其是，盜國賊最清楚是他們自己造假或行賄造成港幣超發的，...他們深知加入炒賣必賺，就會出盡法寶假扮是正常經濟活動；...。在個難題上，仍有待大家...。
2. 把炒港幣的潛在利潤，用稅收抽走。再細節，2.1 某個銀碼以下的兌換，保留免稅，...。那麼，界線該劃在哪裏好呢？我認為在一千萬美元左右較恰當。...。2.2 稅率多少才好？至少要同潛在利潤掛鈎，...。
3. 徵收「炒港幣稅」會不會沾污香港是自由貿易港的美名，影響到經濟步向蕭條？...
4. 「炒港幣稅」是否有效？是不是有重大缺失，根本不可行？...
5. 道德兩難問題﹕一方面，郭文貴認為港幣貶值將在中共倒台、全國實現民主法治的過程中起得到關鍵作用，...。另一方面，最避不開港幣大貶值的是...基層人民...；整體經濟、民生發展、方方面面都會出現極大困難；再...漫延到全國，以致郭文貴都說﹕「...我心裏很難受，我跨不過那個坎，因為我看到這些行動真的在實踐中，我真的很難受。...，好幾次我在陽台...，眼淚就掉下來，受不了呀。」...這，就是道德兩難：找方法避免貶值或減弱貶值及其帶來的損失，是道德的嗎?...
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詞語解釋(出場序)
CCP ----- 中國共產黨, China Communist Party

Kayle Bass ----- 美國對沖基金經理人。Wikipedia: In 2008, Bass successfully predicted and effectively bet against the U.S. subprime mortgage crisis by purchasing credit default swaps on subprime securities which, in turn, increased in value when the real estate bubble burst.
Bass has made prominent bets on Japan, European sovereign debt and, most recently, China. He has also given his expectations regarding the economic future of Japan and Argentina.

P2P ----- peer to peer, 一種網路借貸平臺，由非政府、非銀行的機構集資，答應投資人優厚利率，然後貸款給需要資金的企業或個人。幾年前中共許多官員為這些新興的金融機構站台，從民間圈到許多資金。數月前國內大量P2P公司倒閉或負責人挾款失蹤，令投資者血本無歸。論者認為都是被貪官掠去了。

泛亞 ----- 如上，也是國內一間集資公司，許多官員向全國公眾推薦，說既安全、回報又高。幾年前又倒閉，令許多投資者賠上畢生積蓄。論者認為都是被貪官掠去了。

民族證券 ----- 郭文貴在國內的公司之一。損害郭的利益的目標之一。盜國賊殘害其員工，掠奪其資產；都是為了要脅郭就範，迫他停止點名揭露諸如王歧山等盜國賊的違法網絡和罪行。

徐明 ---- 冤案主角, 大連實德集團董事長, 2013年因涉薄熙來案，獲刑入獄, 作為污點證人指證薄熙來貪腐, 獄中表現良好, 提前釋放, 但在即將獲釋前猝死

李明 ----- 冤案主角, 著名影视公司小马奔腾董事长，涉公安部副部长李东生案被带走协助调查，官方说李明在询问中情绪激动，注射了镇静剂之后不治身亡。

雷洋 ----- 冤案主角, 北京便衣警察懷疑市民雷洋有嫖娼行為，在拘捕過程中雷洋逃脫後被再次拘捕，押解途中雷洋死亡。次日，該事件發布到網絡，引起了輿論的廣泛關注。官方說他是因為自瀆而死

「我的弟弟」----- 郭文貴、他弟弟和另一個女性家人(可能是嫂嫂)是1989年支持天安門學生運動的北京市民之中的三個。三人被捕，警局中有警員拔槍要殺女家人，他弟弟撲過去保護她，中彈，失救而死。

孟建柱 ----- 郭文貴揭露違法罪行的四名頭號盜國賊之一。

王樂泉 ----- 中共官員，官至中共中央政治局委员，新疆維吾爾自治區黨委書記。2010年被中共免去在新疆的所有職務。现任中国法学会会长。

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來源視頻﹕
https://youtu.be/rwttNTC0Izo
10月9号：C C P如果攻击台湾，美国会不会出兵？为什么说港币和人民币会垮掉？保护台湾香港极为重要！
(郭文貴頻道，美國日期2018.10.9) (普通話)

金融原理﹕
https://youtu.be/YPC6bhJv760
为什么说香港也会存在货币超发？为什么历史上阻击做空港币比较困难？为什么此次上万亿美元阻击港币加上金融大杀器一定能够成功？
(路德社直播台，美國日期2018.10.9) (普通話)

|Thai Tony|
|Q&A 我問妳答|
|家姐的愛情觀|
|泰國人怎經營一間Cafe|
|泰妹不是容易上床的|
|我幫泰國女性平返地立|

Cafe 名: Agrabah Cafe
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Agrabah Cafe
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____________________________________________________________________________Name 姓名 :Mr. TONY AU / 歐綿澤 /男 Male / 香港人 Hong Kong Work Performance 工作绩效 :
:2018年-泰国旅游局电视台合作拍摄
2018 -Thailand Tourism Authority TV co-production
:2019年-香港网台-介绍泰国旅游节目
2019 - Hong Kong’s radio Station -Introduce Thailand Tourism Program
:2019 年 -微电影苹果动新闻台
2019 - Micro-movie ( Short film ) in Apple daily News Channel
:2020 年- 香港经济日报专访 -在泰国独自创业
2020 -Hong Kong Economic Times Interview -Start Business in Thailand.

香港今日社論2020年11月17日(100蚊獅子頭)
https://youtu.be/C4EGWINioX4

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明報社評
政府就特定群組強制檢測定下法律框架，「安心出行」應用程式亦開始供市民下載，當局在病毒檢測和追蹤方面，多了兩項新工具，然而要實現疫情「基本清零」，徒有工具並不足夠，還須善加運用。現實經驗一再證明，部分高風險群組自願檢測率低，抗疫專家為了對症下藥，才提倡強制檢測，現在當局有了法律框架，依然左顧右盼，強制檢測未有啟動時間。「安心出行」首天下載情况未算踴躍，市民要麼不知道，要麼質疑太少場所提供二維碼。當局抗疫瞻前顧後，部分持份者亦未積極合作，香港抗疫半吊子，很難取得好成績。本港疫情又現暗湧，政府再度收緊社交距離措施，除了食肆酒吧每枱人數限制收緊，當局亦會研究將酒店納入規管場所，限制每間客房不能容納超過4人等。

蘋果頭條
警方拘捕一名30歲男子，指他利用眾籌洗黑錢，消息指該名男子為反修例運動以來首名襲警罪成的教師楊博文，引起各界嘩然。有讀者向《蘋果》提供照片，內容是今日下午楊博文被押返寓所調查，可見當時楊身穿藍色風褸和藍色牛仔褲，至於身旁則有數名警員陪同，其中一人搭着楊左手作看守。《蘋果》今日下午到楊博文粉嶺的村屋寓所視察，惟家中無人應門。有街坊透露，指楊是昨日在警署內被捕，其後警方分別在昨晚和今日下午4時左右，押着楊到其寓所搜證，其中昨晚搜證時間較長，今日則較短。街坊稱，楊博文與其父母一家三口已住在該村有30多年，直言自己是對楊「由細睇到大」，形容楊「好乖」、「唔算激進」，認為警方只是「玩」他，最終不會成功入罪。

東方正論
油麻地廣東道一幢唐樓發生火災，多名居民吸入大量濃煙及慘遭火燒，皮開肉綻，血流披面，場面觸目驚心，7人喪生，10多人傷，震動全城，是9年來最嚴重一次。2011年花園街排檔9死火災是屬於4級火，但今次唐樓火災卻是火勢相對較輕，釀成死傷枕藉其中一個主要原因是肇事唐樓屬於所謂的「三無大廈」，現場環境惡劣，造成悲劇發生後，一發不可收拾。三無大廈是指沒有業主立案法團、沒有任何形式的居民組織及沒有聘用物業管理公司的大廈，截至2019年10月，全港約有5,300幢「三無大廈」，由於樓宇「無王管」，管理不善，衍生多種問題，包括衞生差劣、保安鬆懈如無掩雞籠、消防安全設施不足甚至有大廈沒安裝消防系統，以及樓宇日久失修，再加上大廈內劏房林立，無牌食肆及商店遍布，令問題更加複雜，儼然成為都市計時炸彈。

星島社論
當局已成立專責小組，調查油麻地前晚造成七死十一傷的火警起因，起火的尼泊爾餐廳證實無牌經營，初步相信當時餐廳正為尼童慶生兼舉行排燈節，疑擺放門口的蠟燭翻倒燒着隔音板起火，濃煙烈火封死唯一出口，內裏二十多人逃生無門，被逼退入廚房受困，有人跳樓逃命，因而造成多人死傷，目前仍有七人命危。特首林鄭月娥對事件感到悲痛，除向傷者及死者家屬致以深切慰問，已責成消防處及屋宇署於今年底前，完成巡查全港有六十年或以上樓齡共約二千五百幢商住樓宇的消防隱患。國務院港澳辦及中聯辦發言人均對火災中不幸遇難者表示沉痛哀悼，並向傷者和遇難者親屬表示深切慰問，祝願傷者早日康復，若特區政府有任何需要，中聯辦會提供協助。

經濟社評
拜登當選美國總統後，行將卸任的總統特朗普近日對中國頻出招，不只在「埋雷」，更是鞏固其政治遺產，令拜登別無選擇，繼續對華強硬。中國對拜登也不存幻想，加快促成全球最大、佔世界GDP、人口及貿易額三分一的《區域全面經濟夥伴關係協定》（Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership，RCEP）達成共識，用區域經濟合作來突破美國包圍網，相信令拜登對華遏制有增無減。通常美國總統在卸任前，政策上都不會有大動作，但特朗普卻反其道而行，繼上周簽署行政命令，禁止美企和個人投資31家被指與中國軍方有關的企業後，國務卿蓬佩奧更宣稱台灣不是中國一部分，不斷對華作出挑釁行動。連串舉動都印證了美媒Axios報道，特朗普計劃在餘下60多天重手制裁中國，鞏固其強硬對華政策，令拜登難以重置中美關係。