democracy meaning的八卦，YOUTUBE和Yahoo名人娛樂都在討論

日前接受美國《華盛頓郵報》（Washington Post）專訪，針對兩岸關係、臺美關係及南海爭議等議題回應提問。內容如下：

問：您對習近平的印象如何？
答：就像我在CSIS講過的，對於習近平主席能夠勇敢地採取措施進行反貪腐的這件事情，我覺得在中國大陸發展的進程上，這是很重要的一件事情，我也非常期待他在處理兩岸關係上面，能夠有更大的彈性，也能夠充分認知臺灣是一個民主的社會。總統也好，或者政治領導人的決定，是必須要依循民意，所以我也希望他能夠體認到臺灣是一個民主社會，民意的走向其實是非常重要的。

問：有些學者說，習近平設定了要您同意92共識之期限，這個正確嗎？
答：兩岸的問題很多人都很關注，很多人都有他們自己的觀察，不過我相信，習近平主席做為一個國家的領導人，他應該有能力能夠綜合所有的情勢，來做一個很好的決定，做一個正確的決定。尤其是臺灣已經是一個非常民主的地方，民意的走向其實非常重要，所以設定期限，要求臺灣政府違反民意去承受一些對方的條件，其實可能性是不大的，我也相信他們應該會有這樣的認知。

問：自您5月下旬就職以來，陸方已經切斷臺灣與中國大陸之間正式溝通管道，您打算如何處理日常與北京間的關係？
答：我們雙方之間溝通的管道其實是很多元的，尤其是在這幾十年來的發展，雙方的交流其實非常多元而且頻繁，在交往的過程中，其實也產生很多互相溝通的模式，這些溝通不只是在官方的層次，還包括每一個不同層級，還有民間的溝通，都在整個兩岸之間溝通的這種結構裡面。我們雙方之間立場上的差異，其實在我520的就職演講裡面，我也盡了最大的力量，來讓雙方的立場可以縮小差距，我也相信在某種程度，中國大陸方面也會認知到520講話裡面的善意。

問：但看來似並非如此。中國大陸國務院臺灣辦公室表示，您的就職演說是「一個未完成的答卷」，迄今並無公開的跡象顯示他們肯定您的立場。而您身為總統，是否和中國大陸政府的對口有接觸？
答：就像我講的，現在所暫停的是兩會的管道、陸委會與國臺辦的管道，這在官方的意義或許是存在的，但問題是長久以來，雙方之間管道確實是很多元的，現在看到的兩會，也就是海基會與海協會兩會的溝通體制，只是整個多元管道中間的一部分。當我講到多元，其實它是有多層次的面向，不僅是政府在交流的過程中，很多政府機關跟他們在中國大陸的對口，也都有一定程度相互通訊息與交換意見的機制。I’m saying different levels of the government have different ways of communicating with their counterparts in China.（我政府各層級都有和中國大陸對口機構聯繫的管道）我不能在這個階段進入太多細節。

問：您認為您有在縮小臺灣與中華人民共和國之間的隔閡嗎？
答：這段時間以來，我們都非常謹慎處理與中國大陸的關係，我們除了不採取挑釁的態度，防止意外的發生之外，也希望透過資訊的交流，能夠建立起雙方的互信。

問：您代表許多較偏向認同「臺灣人」，而不是「中國人」的臺灣年輕一代，他們比老一輩更支持獨立。身為總統，您要如何維持兩岸關係的穩定，但同時也要讓年輕的選民滿意，您如何取得平衡？
答：It is a fact that different generations, and different people of different ethnic origins, they have different views on China. But they all agree on one thing: that is democracy. (事實上不同世代和不同族群的民眾對中國大陸會有不同的看法。但是，有一件事情，他們的意見一致，那就是民主。)

問：美國自1979年之後改承認「中華人民共和國」（首都在北京）代表「中國」，而將中華民國的臺灣（首都在臺北）視為一個「實體」（entity），您覺得這是公平的嗎？
答：我想我不太清楚美國在講這個字－ “entity”的時候，它的意思是什麼，但是這個 “entity＂有很多可以詮釋的空間。以臺灣來講，我們有一個完整的政府跟民主的機制，我們有軍隊，我們是一個可以為自己做決定的國家。所以，或許美國或者其他國家有不同的想法或是不同的角度，但從我們來看，其實絕大多數的臺灣人覺得我們確實是一個國家。

問：沒有被國際社會承認，您是否覺得不公平？
答：It is indeed unfair。(這確實是不太公平)

問：美國讀者與我都難以理解，身為臺灣總統，您只被允許在美過境停留48小時。
答：It is indeed. (的確如此。)

問：有報導指出，來自中國大陸的觀光客減少了，這會傷害臺灣的觀光產業嗎?
答：我們是看到有一些在量上面的減少，但是整體而言，對我們觀光產業有多大的衝擊，我們還在評估當中。不過整體來說，我們也希望我們觀光客的來源是多元的。所以，我們也會持續強化對於其他來源觀光客的爭取，而且我們的觀光產業可以發展出適應不同來源的觀光客，能夠更多元，而且更能夠適應不同的觀光客。

問：中國大陸如果執意的話，可能會對臺灣施加更多壓力，他們會威脅破壞你們與邦交國的關係並嚇跑他們，您會擔心這個嗎？
答：關於經濟的手段，我不是指他們（中國大陸）現在正在做，但如果他們用經濟手段加壓力的話，其實中國大陸也應該想像他們要付出的代價，就是今天中國大陸可以這樣對臺灣的話，它也可以對其他周邊的國家。所以，我相信很多周邊的國家都會很仔細地觀察中國大陸會不會對臺灣以經濟的手段來加壓，中國大陸如果要成為一個在這個區域是受尊敬的國家，我相信他們會小心地考慮這件事。

問：所以您認為臺灣與邦交國的關係會繼續維持嗎？
答：我們會盡力維持我們的邦交國，也希望跟我們邦交國發展出一種互惠的關係，也就是在經濟發展、社會發展、文化及教育上的交流都能持續強化，讓他們真心感受到與中華民國維持邦交是一件有意義且有助益的事情。

問：您的前任馬總統曾計畫向美國購買66架F16戰機，儘管有47位美國參議員致函支持，但最後都沒有結果，您會繼續提出此項請求嗎？
答：我們會持續評估國防的需求，持續向美國提出軍事合作計畫，所以這些方面我們會持續與美方來進行溝通，同時也會對防衛需求做更準確的評估。在這個階段，我們的需求主要還是在水面艦、潛艇、防空系統及網路安全，這些方面我們有比較強的需求。

問：馬前總統之前也希望向美國購買柴電潛艦，但未竟其功，您會再重覆此訴求嗎？
答：In three areas our needs are more urgent, there are surface ships and submarines, air-defense and cyber-security areas. In submarines, we are trying to develop our own, to develop indigenous capabilities.（在三個領域，我們的需求較急迫，如水面艦和潛水艇、空防和網路安全領域。在潛水艇方面，我們正嘗試著開發自己的潛艇，發展本國的能力。）

問：美國總統候選人柯琳頓（Hillary Clinton）與川普（Donald Trump），哪一位當選對臺灣比較好？
答：作為一個其他國家政府的領導人，我們不方便對美國總統選舉做過多的評論。不過我們也希望，無論哪一位當選美國總統，我們都能夠持續現在的關係，而且在現在的關係上，發展下一階段更緊密且互惠的關係。

問：您施政的焦點是內政，像是提高薪資以及增加休假的時間，但是目前臺灣經濟成長率低於1%，您如何在增強經濟發展的同時，亦增加社會福利呢？
答：我想這些事情，不是一個藥方可以解決所有問題，其實臺灣的經濟需要做結構性的調整。也就是我們新的經濟發展模式是走向以創新研發來讓我國的產業可以進到下一個階段、下一個時代。這跟以往我們以製造、效率，也就是成本驅動的成長模式是不一樣。因此我國在下一個世代的經濟產業規劃上非常強調創新與研發，而臺灣剛好是一個適合創新與研發的地方，因為我們有很多好的產業基礎，也有很多好的研發人才。因此只要我國在這裡著力夠深，我們會用幾個主要的產業來帶動整個臺灣產業的轉型，而這幾個主要的產業包括生技、綠能、智慧機械、IOT的產業及國防產業。

問：中國大陸不是你們第一大貿易夥伴嗎？
答：到現在為止還是，但問題是因為兩方的經濟互補性已經開始在降低、而競爭性已經在加強，所以我們對於雙方的經濟與貿易關係必須做一個重新檢討，務必要使雙方的經貿關係是一個相輔相成且互利的關係，而不是一個過度競爭的情況。
The two economies in the past had a high degree of complementarity, and since we had the ability to organize a manufacturing process, and then we move our manufacturing to the ability to China to make best use of their labor. And now the situation is very different. I mean, the labor cost is increasing and China has their own capability.（過去兩岸經濟有高度的互補性，而我們擁有製造業能力，並轉往對岸，善用他們的勞力。而今非昔比，對岸勞力成本增加，且已具備製造能力了。）

問：所以中國大陸變成臺灣的競爭對手？
答：They are more and more our competitors.（他們越來越是我們的競爭對手了。）

問：我看到您對海牙常設仲裁庭有關南海仲裁結果表示失望，該仲裁將臺灣聲索的太平島認定為「礁」，而非「島嶼」，因此不能享有200浬專屬經濟海域，您會遵守仲裁庭的判斷嗎？
答：我們已經公開聲明，這個仲裁的決定有損於臺灣的利益，所以我們不能夠接受，我們也認為這個裁判對臺灣沒有法律約束力。主要有幾個原因，第一個是因為我們是一個重要的利益相關方，但是我們沒有被邀請參與整個仲裁的程序。第二，我們對於被稱為「The Taiwan Authority of China」不能接受。第三，在這個地區，我們擁有主權的太平島，在裁決中被認為是一個「礁」而不是「島」，這是違反我們長期以來的主張，我們也認為它確實是一個島。在這裡我想利用這個機會，把臺灣政府對南海爭端的立場做一個說明。第一，當然是有關南海爭端應該依據國際法與海洋法，包括《聯合國海洋法公約》，用和平的方式來解決。第二，我們主張臺灣應該要納入多邊爭端解決的機制。第三，在這個地區的相關國家有義務維護南海的航行與飛越自由。第四，中華民國主張以「擱置爭議、共同開發」的方式處理南海爭議。我們期待相關國家能秉持相同方式進行協商，來和平解決這個爭端。

問：您是亞洲地區首位並非出自於政治世家的女性總統，您如何做到的？
答：我覺得我的出現其實跟臺灣的民主發展很有關係，也就是說，臺灣民主發展的過程是一個漸進、由下而上的過程。所以臺灣的新世代領導人其實都來自民間或是跟基層有比較強的連結的政黨。

問：在男性主導的社會裡，女性要爬升到領導人的地位一定很難。
答：Yes to a certain extent, but I think the society and our democracy is mature enough to appreciate the value of the individual politicians. They place emphasis on the quality and the value of individual politicians rather than their gender. So of course, some people will find it fashionable to find a woman leader, but I think the reason why people chose me as leader of this country was because of my policy, my values, suit the needs of Taiwan today.（某種程度上是，但我認為我們的社會和民主已夠成熟，能欣賞個別政治人物的價值。他們重視個別政治人物的品質和價值勝過性別。所以，當然，某些人會覺得找個女性領導人很時尚，但我覺得人民選我當這個國家的領導人，是因為我的政策、我的價值符合現今的臺灣需要。）

Meaning that we represent people who want to have change in this society, after years and decades this place has been dominated by a single party, with the exception of 2000-2008, but over the last few decades, all dominated by the KMT. The whole social structure and values were shaped by this regime, KMT government, over the years. But people now realize that we’re in a different situation now, we want to move forward, we have to restructure ourselves, and redefine the current values. So they want the place to be more democratic. They want this place to place more emphasis on human rights and transparency, in terms of government decision-making and public participation in the government’s decision-making process. And essentially people want to participate, they want to have a voice in the major decisions of the government. So this is somehow different from the way the government conducted business since the days when this place was an authoritarian place.（我們代表社會上渴望改變的人民。這片土地除了2000年到2008年以外，數十年來均被單一政黨，即國民黨所主導，整個社會結構及價值都由這個政權形塑而成。如今人民了解我們的環境已經不同，我們想要向前行，我們想要進行重整，重行定義目前的價值。人民想要更為民主的環境，在政府決策過程中，民眾能參與官方決策，並更重視人權及透明度。本質上來說，人民想要在政府重大決策中，能參與其中並發聲。這與過去這片土地是威權統治、由政府主導的情境，有些許不同。）

問：國民黨長期進行軍事統治？
答：So the expectation of the people is very different. They want democracy, they want public participation, they want transparency, they want to have fair elections, they want to have sound judicial system, not too much interfered by politics. They want to have an effective judicial system to settle whatever disputes that people may have in their daily lives so they want to have a good social safety net to protect them in case they fell in a very competitive society. （現在人民的期待有很大的不同，他們想要民主、民眾參與的機會與透明度，以及公平的選舉；他們想要有完善的司法體制，不要有太多的政治干預；他們想要有效的司法體制，以處理日常生活遇到的爭議，擁有妥善的安全網來保障他們，以防在競爭劇烈的社會中陷入困頓。）

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華盛頓郵報專訪連結 https://goo.gl/Mitl0e

ลองเข้าไปติดตามภาคภาษาอังกฤษได้ที่นี่นะครับ

Thaksin Shinawatra in Private Discussion
World Policy Institute Global Leader Briefing Series Thinking Points
World Policy Institute, 9th March 2016, New York

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Excellencies, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

I must thank you World Policy Institute for providing me an opportunity to share my thought on the challenges that revolve around the economic, regional and global implications of how Thailand will make its way through a period of transition and change.

We all know that no society in the twenty-first century can sustain any form of “progress” in the well-being of its people without at least two basic foundations:
The first one is political stability. The second one is the ability to create economic activities that allow growth and readiness to shift its creativities to sustain wealth.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me tell you the tale of the two cities, which is not written by Charles Dickens. It is the tale of parallel progress of Washington D.C. and Beijing. Each has its own history, pain and loathing. As the years go by, the two cities have been seen as rivals which offers competing models for growth and prosperity.

One is Free Market-Capitalism with the so-called “Open Democracy” as the foundation of its economic model. The other one is State-Led Capitalism with the central control system by one party.

Both of the models have proven to be successful in a very dramatic way from the past to the present. Admitting that the Chinese model was fitting to the change of attitude among the leadership of the country at that time, in parallel with the change of economic model in the West, in which the definition of “free trade” benefits China’s shifting position from a close market to a semi-open market.

But we must admit also that both models are now having to adjust itself to the new reality; the reality of dramatic change in speed and character of technology for industrial production; the change from “a country-based product” to “network of global design, global sourcing,and global production for just one product”. This extraordinary change upends the “normal” internal economic adjustment of the country and made it very difficult to find a simple economic adjustment.

We must recognize that advancement in the wealth management technique and technology also upend the normal linkage between capital and changes in production. However, we probably agree, that one common threat for survival in this present so-called “New Normal” is either you have the ability and willingness to change or you don’t. Thailand, like the other countries, cannot get away from this New Normal in the international context.

Ladies and Gentleman,

There is a tale of a poor English teacher in China who soared to the list of the world’s wealthiest people. He neither built a big factory nor invested in any production facility. But, people paid for his service simply to reach the network of supply and demand on a grand scale. I believe, he must feel thank you to the internet.

Ladies and Gentleman,

Amid the global economic slowdown, the pattern of trade has significantly changed. Due to the development of information technology infrastructure and increasing number of population who is able to access to the internet, e-commerce has become a new engine that sustains growth for both developed and developing economies. According to UNCTAD’s report last year, the value of global business-to-business (B2B) e-commerce in 2013 exceeded $15 trillion USD. While global business-to-consumer (B2C) e-commerce still accounted for an estimated $1.2 trillion USD, this segment has grown at a rapid pace; especially in the Asia and Oceania region where B2C segment is expected to surge from 20 to 37 percent between 2013 to 2018. Due to the incremental growth of cross-border e-commerce trade, international postal deliveries of small packets and parcels have risen by 48 percent between 2011 to 2014 globally.

For both Asia and the West, I believe these numbers provide us with clues for the new growth opportunities where “access to networks” is the key: meaning, the networks of consumers and factors of production across geographical boundaries. Unlike the economy of twentieth century when “access to centers” is the rules of the game, today, businessmen who do not have big factories and are not the owners of multinational corporations, can manage to reach and satisfy the needs of their customers worldwide through networks of production and distribution with an assist of the new communication technology. Today’s economy is increasingly decentralized. Consumption and production are more and more dispersed. We could imagine that an American producers can sell their products online directly to consumers in the western part of China without having to spend business hours in Beijing or Shanghai. Vice versa, a Chinese producer can bypass New York to offer their products to customers in New England and Mid-Atlantic states. The network economy has provided the people, both in small and large businesses, with the ability to produce and access to consumers at lower costs. We, as a global community, must put special emphasis on how each country can invest and share risk with the people to create growth collectively.

Ladies and Gentleman,

Another tale is about the rebirth of a road that nobody cares since the Portuguese discovered a possible sea route from Europe to Asia. The Portuguese did offer an alternative trade route with substantial margins for the goods carried. Although you might lose half of the cargoes on the way, you still did not lose your shirt. Since the demand for spices were overwhelming, the merchant marines heavily charge everybody.

Ladies and Gentleman,

The heavy-load transport through the sea has been with us till now, and the land routes from Asia to Europe have been neglected. If the world’s economy is thriving like the good old days, probably, not so many people would be interested in finding an alternative in life. But, since the situation goes awry, I believe, any country should consider all possibilities.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Today, there are two major initiatives that, I think, have great potential to accelerate growth and leverage “quality of growth” that brought into being by the emergence of network economy. One is the China-led “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) plan to develop transport and logistics connectivity encompassed some 60 countries, which include about 50 percent of the world’s GDP. And, the other is the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) between 12 Pacific Rim countries, which account for more than 40 percent of the world’s GDP. I have not seen these two initiatives as antagonistic, but rather a kind of two parallel processes that, at a certain point, will create mutual economic benefits for Asia and the West.

We must overcome the stereotype that perceive China and the US as merely the two opposing political superpowers. In reality, the economic development during the past decade has shown us how far these two major economies are interdependent. China is the largest foreign holder of US government securities with $1.24 trillion USD worth. With the total trade volume of $521 billion USD in 2014, the US is China’s biggest trade partner. Total US foreign direct investment (FDI) in China stood at $65.77 billion USD at the end of 2014, while the Chinese FDI in the US is estimated to have reach $11.9 billion USD.

Given this interdependence in mind, I believe Southeast Asia- the region that sits in between the two great initiatives of the two major economies- must put special emphasis on how to enhance the mutual economic benefits with its counterparts. For Southeast Asia in the twenty-first century, the geopolitics should be about how to reinforce the networks of wealth creation for the people that stretch across national and regional borders.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me tell you the last tale about a Thai restaurant. No matter how many times the master chef tries to teach his protege, the young man keeps making mistakes in mixing the ingredients. Customers are kept waiting, hungry and mad. Once the customers are served, half of them get diarrhea afterward. The moral of this tale is one must make the written recipe right.

Ladies and gentlemen,

While some people may underline the unique characteristics of Thailand in terms of its history and developmental path, the country itself cannot avoid to come to terms with the global challenges of the twenty-first century. For half a century, the Thai economy has incrementally integrated into global economy. Values of Thailand’s exports per GDP and FDI in the country have shown us clearly how far the growth of Thai economy has been interwoven with the fate of global economy.

Against this context, we shall consider Thailand’s draft constitution with a very simple question: will the latest draft constitution “enable” the country to grow and become stronger in the present world? Or, will the latest draft constitution provide Thailand with a sufficient institutional infrastructure for investment, production, cooperation, and businesses?

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Due to the framework set out by the latest draft constitution, it is difficult to foresee a government that is responsive to the people and the challenges of the twenty-first century. According to the new draft, the 200-seat upper house, or Senate, will be appointed by the so-called “experts”. The Senate will also have greater powers to block legislation. Regarding the Constitutional Court, its scope of jurisdiction will be expanded. The Court will have the power to examine cases based on petitions filed directly by individuals, without the requirement that an actual dispute being brought by political organs or other courts.

If we consider the doctrine of separation of powers as the foundation for growth and stability, the critical issue that we shall examine is whether the judicial power will trespass the provinces of legislature/ and executive or not? For a government to be able to manage the economy against the global slowdown, I do hope that there will be no over-enforcement of the judicial power. Experiences of several countries show us that, if unchecked, judicial review can be inappropriately used as “delaying tactic”; thus, in turn, become an impediment to economic policy implementation.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I believe that the foundation for the country to create growth and prosperity is to build trust in the global community. The constitution shall protect the rule of law and provide at least a minimum level of freedom of speech that facilitates economic cooperation between the people and the global community. Trade and investment cannot flourish if there is no certain degree of confidence provided by the rule of law. Against the transition and change, Thailand must reevaluate its strength and weakness. The country shall find a sensible way to regain its political stability and economic dynamism. I have only proposed the way of how should we think of the phenomena that is the world today.

【《紐約時報》投稿 —— Joshua Wong: Hong Kong Still Has Many Ways to Resist】

當下時勢，投稿到外媒，好像會被質疑玩命，但我仍想盡力發聲。

Ever since a new round of pro-democracy protests broke out in Hong Kong last year, journalists from both local and global media have exposed how freedoms are shrinking, human rights are deteriorating and police brutality is worsening in the city.

Now, with new sweeping powers under the national security law that China promulgated for Hong Kong on June 30, the news media themselves are in the Chinese government’s crosshairs.

The publisher Jimmy Lai, whose media company puts out the popular tabloid Apple Daily, has long been one of Beijing’s most vocal critics in HK. Mr.Lai was arrested on Monday morning under the recent law, for allegedly colluding with foreign forces.

The paper’s office was raided by dozens of police. Lai was released on bail late Tues night. A special unit has been created in the Immigration Department to vet visa applications that are deemed to be sensitive, including for foreign correspondents, according to The Standard.

The Hong Kong police now grants access to ground operations only to “trusted media outlets”: On Monday, reporters from Reuters, Agence France-Presse and The Associated Press, among others, reportedly were blocked from the scene of the raid at Apple Daily. Police cordoned off the headquarters of the tabloid Apple Daily after Lai’s arrest. Freedom of speech and of the press, both vital to the rule of law and the city’s vibrancy, are under attack.

China is extending to HK the regime of media regulation and repression that it applies on the mainland. Today, it’s the media. Yesterday, it was legislators, contenders to political office & activists: Recently, just after disqualifying pro-democracy candidates from running in elections scheduled for Sep, the HK authorities delayed by a year — paving the way, I think, for their being cancelled. Tmr, who knows who will be China’s next targets. But I do know that many HKers will respond then, too, by demonstrating our solidarity, creatively.

In a show of support for Mr. Lai and Apple Daily, people have been buying up shares of his media company: The stock’s price surged by 1,200 percent in less than two days. I began writing this Op-Ed on Monday evening. A few hours later I learned that Agnes Chow, a former colleague and ex-member of our political group Demosisto, was arrested, also for violating the national security law — also for allegedly “colluding with foreign forces.”

But Agnes had quit Demosisto on the morning of June 30, before the new law went into effect and its text was released, and she had ceased all activism; she even stopped updating her Twitter account. (She, too, was released on bail Tuesday night.) Before her arrest she had been tailed by unknown agents for days, she said. An infrared camera had been installed in front of the main entrance to her home, according to a neighbour. I fear that other dissenting voices in HK will also face this kind of surveillance, harassment & persecution.

On Tues, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress in Beijing announced that in light of the delayed election, the term of HK’s current legislature would be extended for “no less than one year.” Carrie Lam expressed her “heartfelt gratitude” for that decision. No limit has been placed on the term of this interim legislative body, meaning that it could be endlessly extended, with no further elections — more or less as happened in Taiwan during the island’s authoritarian decades, between the late 1940s and the early 1990s.

And yet, in the face of this darkest new era of censorship and repression, HK’s spirit of resistance is unflagging. Many HKers lined up in the early hours of Tuesday to buy the day’s edition of Apple Daily. Some groups bought up stashes of the paper to distribute for free to passers-by. More than 500,000 copies had to be printed in total, five times the usual. Hong Kongers will keep finding ways, big and small, to resist.

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＃記得打開ＣＣ字幕　＃投完票來吃香腸R～
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各節重點：
00:50 【 2019 大選の過程 】
02:47 【 澳洲選舉ㄉ小知識 】
05:48 【 最後來說說民調 】
07:08 提問Time
07:23 掰比～別忘了訂閱！
07:38 Q A時間

【 製作團隊 】
｜企劃：歡歡
｜腳本：歡歡
｜剪輯後製：Pookie
｜剪輯助理：絲繡＆范范
｜演出：志祺

——

【 本集參考資料 】
→ 菜市場政治學 資訊BOX【澳洲大選：執政聯盟奇蹟逆轉勝】：http://bit.ly/2Wv5pVU
→ 澳洲「偏好投票制」更能選出你喜歡的候選人：http://bit.ly/2MMBFzA
→ 澳洲大選2019：十一張圖表看懂關鍵點：https://bbc.in/2R1FmQ2
→ 在這個國家不投票要罰錢！澳洲大選5月18日登場，莫里森恐成史上最短命總理：http://bit.ly/31oQj3g
→ 澳洲大選「逆轉勝」：保守派總理說要把中國當「顧客」：http://bit.ly/2QZKEM8
→ 紅色滲透？逢中必反？撕裂澳洲的「中國影響力」：http://bit.ly/2XAC4G1
→ 澳洲選舉制度介紹 - Preferential Selection System：http://bit.ly/2WrJSs8
→ 《無聲的入侵：中國因素在澳洲》推薦序：http://bit.ly/2K7EXeh
→ 反映真實民意：網路、市話與手機民調的差異：http://bit.ly/2I61RR5
→ Democracy Sausage：http://bit.ly/2I80Xnq
→ 維基百科：排序複選制：http://bit.ly/2WzKMIf
→ 澳洲人一定得投票 「民主香腸」成絕配：http://bit.ly/2wKik6W

【 延伸閱讀 】
→ 【聯邦大選2019】工黨慘敗原因：http://bit.ly/2KE8EDu
→ The meaning of 'democracy sausage', Australia's word of 2016：https://bbc.in/31vEPei
→ How row over mashed avocado toast is dividing Australian generations：https://bbc.in/2K69hGf
→ 澳洲人是如何看待中国的？：http://bit.ly/31pJCOr
→ 澳洲最新人口統計：華裔印度裔成主要移民？：https://bbc.in/2IugQDl
→ 維基百科：澳大利亞人口：http://bit.ly/2QZL3OE
→ 維基百科：澳洲華人：http://bit.ly/2XBRr0O
→ 維基百科：2019年中國國民黨總統提名選舉：http://bit.ly/2I585AI
→ 2019年民主進步黨總統提名選舉：http://bit.ly/2MDqZmI
→ 民調不可信？為何藍綠兩大黨都偏愛全民調提名？：http://bit.ly/2X2IBMy


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岑建勳支持 Charles 堅持的自由、民主、人權、法治，這是香港的核心價值
John Sham endorses Charles Mok and his core values

現在有很多人常把核心價值放在口中, 但是他們在說的又是我們意念中的核心價值嗎? Charles說的正就是 --- 自由, 民主, 人權, 法治. 這就是我理解的香港的核心價值。所以我希望Charles可以進入立法會, 為香港爭取及堅持我們真正的核心價值, 建設我愛的香港。

The term "core values" has been brought up a lot and abused by others recently, but are they really meaning what we believe in? Charles' "core values" are freedom, democracy, human rights and just law and they are what I believe as the true Hong Kong's "core values". Therefore, I endorse Charles and hope he can enter the Legislative Council to fight for our true "core values" of Hong Kong, to build the Hong Kong that I love.

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