轉載Chenchen Chen fb
🛠《大家來找碴welcome strict proofreader 》
看到Christopher Chen附在獨立觀察的連結,披露日本記者黑木亮著手調查東京知事小池百合子的埃及開羅大學學歴史,所以整理了文章一半的中英對照如下,另外一半預期周末整理好再另外貼新版。
大家可以比較東京知事和她的大貴人(埃及前副首相Dr Hatem)如何促使她主張她1976年確從埃及開羅大學畢業的做法。台灣媒體不敢報導此日本疑似假學歷的新聞,倒是刷了很多東京知事抗疫好棒棒的中文報導-想必是要洗嬰粉的腦「會做事就好了,學歷有什麼重要」哈哈😄⋯⋯
✳️原文連結: https://jbpress.ismedia.jp/articles/-/60643
🔥偽造大學學位的指控困擾東京都知事小池百合子(Vol.4)
Allegations of fake university degree haunt Tokyo Governor Yuriko Koike (vol.4)
💥自從現任東京都知事小池百合子(Yuriko Koike)於1992年成為國會議員以來,一直有謠言流傳稱,小池百合子(Koike)文飾美化她的學歷。
Ever since the incumbent Governor of Tokyo, Yuriko Koike became a Member of Parliament in 1992, rumors have been circulating that Koike embellished her academic credentials.
小池聲稱自己曾自開羅大學畢業,但是如果以阿拉伯語為母語的人去聽她的阿拉伯語,那麼她公開身為開羅大學畢業生的學歷,似乎就顯得更加可疑了。
Koike claims to have graduated from Cairo University but if an Arabic speaker listens to her Arabic, her published academic credentials as a Cairo University graduate seems more than dubious.
[我有]強有力的證據可以證明她偽造學歷,例如由室友提供的證詞-有紀錄片可查的證詞;小池的自相矛盾的說法表明,儘管第一年不及格,她仍然在四年之內畢業,她的初階程度阿拉伯語,以及關於畢業論文的謊言,和她拒絕向東京都議會提交畢業文件的頑強行為。
There are strong evidence about her fake academic credentials such as testimony by the flatmate supported by documentary evidence, Koike's self-contradictory statement in her book to have graduated in four years despite failing her first year, her rudimentary Arabic, her lie about the graduation thesis and her stubbornness in refusing to submit her graduation documents to the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly.
身為一個通曉阿拉伯語並從埃及大學(開羅美國大學的中東研究專業)畢業的人,我自有一種任務感,因此我決定對這些指控進行調查。 經過兩年的調查,我找不到任何證據,甚至沒有一絲一毫的最低線索,可以證明小池是從開羅大學畢業的。
Feeling a sense of duty as someone who learnt Arabic and graduated from an Egyptian university (MA, Middle East Studies from the American University in Cairo), I decided to investigate the allegations. After two years of investigation, I could not find any evidence, nor even the slightest hint that Koike graduated from Cairo University.
在這個共由六大部組成的文章中,我詳細介紹了我的調查結果。這裡是第四部的內容:
In this six-part article, I present the results of my investigation in detail.Here is the fourth part of it;
💥小池有符合[埃及大學]轉學資格嗎?
Was Koike eligible to transfer?
"小池在她的書中和其他地方聲稱,她於1972年10月開學以一年級(新鮮人)生身分進入開羅大學。
Koike claims in her books and other places that she entered Cairo University as a first year student (freshman) in October 1972.
但是,她室友在"假簡歷”紀錄片中說:“小池是於1973年10月以二年級學生身分進入開羅大學。
However, in the ""Fake CV"" the flatmate says, ""Koike entered Cairo University in October 1973 as a second year student.
「小池高興地對我說:“我父親先請當時的哈特姆博士,當時也是埃及副首相,還兼任文化和信息部長,依據我在關西學院大學-是一間日本兵庫縣的私立大學-所上課的幾個月[學程],加上另外在開羅美國大學的上語言課程的幾個月,一起調整合併當成是我在開羅大學就讀的第一學年[學程時間]。」
Koike happily told me ‘My father asked Dr. Hatem, then Egypt's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Information, to swap my few months at Kwansei Gakuin University, a private university in Hyogo prefecture, and a few months at the language course at the American University in Cairo for the first year at Cairo University. ‘
「哈特姆博士接受了這一要求。此外,我的學雜費和申請費全免除了。 」
‘Dr. Hatem accepted the request. In addition, my tuition and admission fees have been waived’ .
這顯然是寫在室友1972年11月19日給她在日本母親的信中的。根據“假簡歷”該部分陳述的內容,她(室友)大部分信都附有信件日期和郵戳。 如果是這樣,他們這些人都將會被埃及法院起訴。
This is apparently written in the flatmate’s letter to her mother in Japan dated 19 November 1972. According to the ""Fake CV"" most of her letters were dated and postmarked. If so, they will be admissible to court."
呈現在“假簡歷”的內容中,含當時也正在埃及另一所大學就讀的另一名日本女性,她說,她對小池當時可以轉入開羅大學二年級就讀感到驚訝。 我(作者:黑木亮)所採訪過的另一位開羅大學的日本畢業生也記得:小池當年是[直接]轉入開羅大學二年級。
In the ""Fake CV"" another Japanese woman who was attending another university in Egypt at the time says she was surprised that Koike had transferred in the second year at Cairo University. Another Japanese graduate of Cairo University whom I interviewed also remembered that Koike had transferred to the second year."
然而,轉學到包括開羅大學在內的埃及國立大學訂有嚴格的規定。為了進行轉學,學生必須在另一所大學獲得與埃及國立大學課程相同或相似的內容和學習時數的學分,並且必須獲得一定程度的成績。 開羅大學轉學中心辦公室向我證實了這一點。
However, strict rules are in place to transfer to Egypt's state universities, including Cairo University. In order to transfer, a student must have earned credits at another university with the same or similar content and number of hours as the Egyptian state university’s curriculum and must have earned a certain number of grades. This was confirmed to me by the Central Transfers Office of Cairo University.
例如,在2016-17學年,如果學生希望:
-轉學到工程或醫學學院,則必須從其他大學獲得至少imtiyaaz(優秀)成績。
-轉學實務研究學院,則必須從其他大學獲得至少jaiid jiddab(非常好)的成績。
-轉學理論學習研究學院,則必須從其他大學獲得至少jaiid (好)的成績。
In the case of the 2016-17 academic year, for example, students are required to have at least imtiyaaz (excellent) grade from other university if the student wishes to transfer to the Faculty of Engineering or Medicine and at least jaiid jiddan (very good) grade in the case of faculties of practical study and at least jaiid (good) grade for those of theoretical study.
前面如曾經提到的記者,達莉亞·施貝爾(Dalia Shibel)這樣告訴我:“在埃及,國立大學和私立大學是兩個完全不同的系統。即使您在開羅的美國大學學習了10年並獲得了必要的學分,您還是必須從開羅(國立)大學的一年級學生重新開始。這是我國的法律”。 因此,像小池這樣沒有在另一所大學讀完一年(也沒有獲得任何學分)的人是完全不可能被核准轉學的。
The aforementioned journalist Dalia Shibel told me that ""In Egypt state universities and private universities are two completely different systems. Even if you study at the American University in Cairo for 10 years obtaining necessary credits, you have to start as a first year student in Cairo University. This is the law of our country"". Therefore it is totally impossible that a person like Koike who has not finished a year at another university (and has not earned any credits) would be allowed to transfer."
小池最多只在關西學院大學學習了幾個月。 她在開羅的美國大學CASA那裡學習阿拉伯語只是一所語言學校,不提供任何學分或學位。 如果像一些日本人指出的那樣,小池真果真是在1973年轉入開羅大學第二年級的話,那不過是欺詐性的轉學而已。 這意味著她從一開始就沒有資格畢業。
Koike only attended Kwansei Gakuin University for several months at most. CASA at the American University in Cairo where she learnt Arabic is just a language school and does not offer any credits or degrees. If, as some Japanese people point out, Koike actually transferred to the second year at Cairo University in 1973, that is nothing but a fraudulent transfer. That means she was not eligible for graduation from the beginning.
💥關於小池入學許可的問題並沒有得到答案
No answer to the question about Koike’s admittance
2019年,有51人因以慈善機構樂捐名義為幌子,賄賂美國一個組織而受到起訴,該組織通過提升名人和其他人的孩子的SAT(大學才能測驗)分數,以欺詐手段允許他們的子女因此能夠進入著名的大學。
In 2019, 51 people were prosecuted in the United States for paying bribes under the guise of charity to an organization that allows celebrities and others to increase their children's SAT (college aptitude test) scores and fraudulently admit them to prestigious universities.
其中一位女演員費利西蒂·霍夫曼(Felicity Huffman)曾出演電視劇《欲望師奶(台灣翻譯)》,被判處14天監禁,並於去年10月在加利福尼亞州的女性監獄中被監禁。 霍夫曼的女兒索菲亞(Sophia)尚未上大學,據報導他將重考SAT。
One of them, actress Felicity Huffman, who starred in the TV drama Desperate Housewives, was sentenced to 14 days in prison and was incarcerated last October in a women's prison in California. Huffman's daughter Sophia has not enrolled in college and is reported to be retaking the SAT.
斯坦福大學以’非合法入學申請’為由,開除一名中國學生,原因在於他的父母為了可以濫用體育贊助(入學)名額,使他得以註冊該校學習課程,向該(同一)組織支付了650萬美元。
Stanford University expelled a Chinese student, whose parents paid $6.5 million to the organization for misusing a sports endorsement slot to enroll in the program, citing irregularities in submissions.
由於小池似乎未達到轉學入埃及國立大學的要求,因此我致信小池,詢問小池是在1972年還是1973年被錄取,但未得到任何答复(有關我詢問的信件內容,以及小池回應的所有完整文件,將在此報告的稍後部分中顯示)。
As Koike does not appear to have fulfilled the requirements for transferring to a state university in Egypt, I sent a letter to Koike, to ask whether she was admitted in 1972 or 1973 but received no response (the full text of my questions to and response from Koike will appear later in this report).
開羅大學是阿拉伯世界著名的大學之一,醫學,工程學,經濟和政治學係有許多優秀的埃及學生。 但是,該校在全球地位並不是很高。
Cairo University is one of the prominent universities in the Arab world and there are many excellent Egyptian students in the Faculties of Medicine, Engineering, and Economics and Political Science. However, its global standing is not very high.
在英國Quacquarelli Symonds Ltd.發布的2020年QS世界大學排名中,開羅大學在全球排名521-530,在埃及排名第二,與日本的熊本大學和長崎大學相當。 埃及最好的大學是開羅的美國大學(私立和美國認可大學),在世界上排名第395(與日本神戶大學並列)。 埃及排名第三的是艾因沙姆斯大學,亞歷山大大學和阿修特大學(所有國立大學),在世界範圍內排名第801-1000。
In the 2020 edition of the QS World University Rankings published by Quacquarelli Symonds Ltd. in the United Kingdom, Cairo University ranks 521-530 in the world and second in Egypt, on par with Kumamoto University and Nagasaki University in Japan. The best university in Egypt is the American University in Cairo (private and American-accredit university) which ranks 395th in the world (tied with Kobe University in Japan). Third place in Egypt are Ain Shams University, Alexandria University, and Assiut University (all state universities) which rank 801-1000th in the world.
💥小池與Abdel-Kader Hatem博士的關係
Koike’s Connections with Dr. Abdel-Kader Hatem
協助小池進行了“可能是欺詐性轉學"的埃及政客的名字出現在“假經歷”這部分的內容中。 這個室友證明,小池在1973年通過著名的埃及政治家阿卜杜勒·卡德爾·哈特姆博士的關係轉入開羅大學二年級。
The name of an Egyptian politician who assisted Koike's possible ""fraudulent transfer"" appears in the ""Fake CV"". The flatmate testifies that Koike transferred to the second grade at Cairo University in 1973 through the connections of Dr. Abdel- Kader Hatem, a prominent Egyptian politician."
Hatem於1917年生於亞歷山大。他畢業於軍事學院和開羅大學。 他參與了1952年的埃及革命(是一個推翻君主制的政變,次年埃及共和國成立),當時他是在由Gamal Abdel Nasser中校領導的自由軍運動中的一名年輕成員。
Hatem was born in Alexandria in 1917. A graduate of the Military Academy and Cairo University. He participated in the Egyptian revolution in 1952 (a coup to overthrow the monarchy which was followed by the foundation of the republic the following year) as a young member of the Free Officers Movement led by then Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser.
他於1957年成為國民議會議員,總統府副部長,1959年廣播電視國務部長,1962年文化部長,國家指導和旅遊部長,1971年副首相兼文化信息部長 ,曾任全國專業委員會常務理事兼埃及-日本友好協會主席。 他於2015年去世,享年97歲。
He became a member of the National Assembly in 1957, Deputy Minister in the Presidential Office, Minister of State for Radio and Television in 1959, Minister of Culture and Minister of National Guidance and Tourism in 1962, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Information in 1971, then longtime General Supervisor of the Specialized National Councils and President of the Egyptian-Japanese Friendship Association. He died in 2015 at the age of 97.
1974年2月,當時掌控文化和信息的副首相,哈特姆,以正式外賓的身份訪問了日本,並會見了日本首相田中角榮,副首相三木武夫,並參觀了皇宮與天皇會面。 1982年,他被日本政府授予"旭日東昇頭等大勳章”。
In February 1974, Hatem, who was then the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Culture and Information visited Japan as an official guest and met Japan’s Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki and visited the Imperial Palace to meet the Emperor. In 1982 he was awarded the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun, First Class by the Japanese government.
"在1974年Hatem訪日之際,日本駐埃及大使Tsutomu Wada在1974年2月12日給日本外交大臣的正式電報中寫道:“埃及政治的最新發展,哈特姆副首相的職位(曾擔任首相的代理者)得到了進一步鞏固,正如我經常報導的那樣,埃及副首相在6名媒體記者的陪同下訪問日本,這是非同尋常的,這清楚地表明了哈特姆博士的權力,並表明了他認為這次訪問的重要性。”
On the occasion of Hatem's visit to Japan in 1974 the Japanese Ambassador to Egypt Tsutomu Wada wrote in an official telegram dated 12 February 1974 to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan ""As a result of recent developments in Egyptian politics the position of Deputy Prime Minister Hatem (who had been acting as a substitute for the Prime Minister) has been further strengthened as I have often reported. It is remarkable for an Egyptian Deputy Prime Minister to visit Japan accompanied by 6 media reporters and that clearly shows Dr. Hatem’s power. It also shows how important he thinks this visit is."""
"哈特姆的阿拉伯文傳記《阿卜杜勒·卡德·哈特姆日記-十月戰爭政府首腦》於2016年在開羅出版(由埃及記者易卜拉欣·阿卜杜勒·阿齊茲撰寫)指出,哈特姆與中曾根康弘保持著良好的關係, 自1954年起擔任日本前首相,中曾根將當時的在校學生,小池百合子-他朋友的女兒,介紹給哈特姆,哈特姆照顧小池,小池稱哈特姆為教父,並給了小池零用錢, 每月14埃及鎊。(小池在《長袖和服的金字塔攀登》第250頁上寫道,她每月從埃及政府獲得12英鎊的獎學金)。
🌐Chenchen註:Furisode是日本年輕未婚女性穿著的最正式的和服風格-以長袖為其特色,小池應是以Furisode做為自己的意象代名詞,唯美的描繪她以一介日本年輕嬌嬌女,如何在陌生的中東環境-埃及地,逐步攀登權力金字塔。中東地區非常保守,不但男尊女卑,金字塔也不容許遊客任意攀登,更何況是穿著舉步維艱的長袖正式和服,所以小池以一個浮誇的畫面來增飾自己在埃及留學生活的映象。
The Arabic-language biography of Hatem “The Diary of Abdel-Kader Hatem - Head of the October War Government"" published in Cairo in 2016 (written by an Egyptian journalist Ibrahim Abdel Aziz) states that Hatem had been on good terms with Yasuhiro Nakasone, former Prime Minister of Japan, since 1954 and that Nakasone introduced Yuriko Koike to him, a student at that time, as the daughter of his friend. Hatem took care of Koike. Koike called Hatem a god-father, and he gave Koike an allowance of 14 Egyptian pounds a month (Koike wrote on page 250 of “Furisode Climbing the Pyramid"" that she received a scholarship of 12 pounds a month from the Egyptian government)."
Abdel-Kader Hatem與中曾根康弘
Abdel-Kader Hatem with Yasuhiro Nakasone
"另一方面,小池於1985年出版的書《音譯:Onna女性 no 的Jinmyaku-Zukuri人脈建立 ((我如何以女人的身分經營人脈關係)》指出,她的父親(小池裕郎)很早就認識中曾根。她本人是在小學時代即已見到中曾根,在每個冬天,中曾根都向家人送去了一堆在中曾根選舉區群馬縣產的韭菜,並與他的兄弟一起吃了。
On the other hand Koike's book, ""Onna no Jinmyaku-Zukuri (How I made personal connections as a woman)"" published in 1985 states that her father (Yujiro Koike) had known Nakasone for a long time. She herself first met Nakasone when she was an elementary school student, every winter Nakasone sent her family a bunch of leeks produced in Gunma prefecture, Nakasone’s electoral district, and she ate them with his* brother." 🌐*Chenchen註:應該是She ate them with HER brother.,,
1973年10月6日,埃及爆發了十月戰爭(Yom Kippur War)。 埃及和敘利亞軍隊對部署在蘇伊士運河和戈蘭高地的以色列部隊發動了進攻,試圖奪回1967年六日戰爭(六月戰爭)中以色列佔領的領土。
🌐Chenchen註:這是知名的第四次以阿戰爭,後來引發第一次石油危機,各界認為這是阿拉伯國家在二戰之後,第一次聯手反對西方帝國主義。維基百科:贖罪日戰爭,又稱第四次以阿戰爭、齋月戰爭、十月戰爭...起源於埃及與敘利亞分別攻擊六年前被以色列佔領的西奈半島和戈蘭高地。戰爭的頭一至兩日埃敘聯盟佔了上風,但此後戰況逆轉。至第二周,敘軍退出戈蘭高地。在西奈,以軍在兩軍之間攻擊,越過原來的停火線蘇伊士運河。直到聯合國停火令生效為止,以軍甚至包圍了埃及的主力部隊。 https://zh.m.wikipedia.org/zh-tw/%E8%B4%96%E7%BD%AA%E6%97%A5%E6%88%B0%E7%88%AD
On 6 October 1973, the October War (Yom Kippur War) broke out in Egypt. Egyptian and Syrian forces launched an attack on Israeli forces deployed in the Suez Canal and Golan Heights in an attempt to recapture territory occupied by Israel in the Six Day War (June War) in 1967.
"為了支持埃及和敘利亞,阿拉伯石油輸出國組織(OAPEC)將石油價格提高了1.4倍,並引發了第一次石油危機。 日本被OAPEC視為“不友好”國家之一,由於採取了削減石油供應的措施,日本遭受了經濟危機。 日本政府派副首相三木武夫和前外交大臣小坂健太郎等人前往沙烏地阿拉伯,埃及和阿爾及利亞,要求這些國家將日本改變為“友好國家”類別(所謂的“石油乞討外交”)。 。
In support of Egypt and Syria, the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC), raised oil prices by 1.4 times and caused the First Oil Crisis. Japan was considered one of the ""unfriendly"" countries by OAPEC and suffered an economic crisis as a result of measures to cut oil supplies. The Japanese government sent Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki and former Foreign Minister Zentaro Kosaka and others to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Algeria to ask those countries to change Japan to a ""friendly country"" category (the so-called ""oil begging diplomacy"")."
(待續...或是直接點原文連結)
https://jbpress.ismedia.jp/articles/-/60643
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【專題訪問 Interview Feature】2019年度香港大學學生會周年大選中央幹事會候選常務祕書麥嘉晉訪問 | Interview with Mak Ka Chun Eugene, the Proposed General Secretary of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union of Annual Election 2019
(Please scroll down for English version.)
麥嘉晉同學以一人莊姿態參選中央幹事會常務祕書一職,為除候選內閣「蒼傲」外,另一參選周年大選中央幹事會席位的單位。麥同學接受本台訪問,就其一人內閣的理念、參選原因、和自身網上流出片段解話,並就反對香港獨立及支持訂立國歌法作闡述。
訪問節錄如下:
1. 對常務祕書一職的了解?
我並不對常務祕書,即香港大學學生會中央幹事會的常務祕書的職責有太清楚的認識。
2. 為何參選常務祕書而非其他職位?
我參選常務祕書的原因是因為我認為自己並不能勝任主席(正確名稱應為會長)一職,我是一個小心、心思細密的人,能力主要在於常務祕書方面。
3. 你認為自己被釣狗公及流出不雅影片會否對選情有影響?
對於這件事,我明白大家對我有負面印象,我希望向對我有負面印象的人道歉,因為我令到香港大學的聲譽受損。但這件事也令到有些人認識了我,客觀而言,他們都會明白這是一個失誤,並知道這事並不影響我的政治理念或影響我向他們服務。我亦明白有人會因這件事對我有負面印象,我會努力透過選舉工程爭取選民對我的信心。
(參考資料:[有圖]求智囊團撚狗公 https://lihkg.com/t/640617/1?ref=android )
4. 你心目中學生會的立場是?
我們必須多考慮多角度及不同持份者的意見才作出表態,所以我不能肯定有幸當選後會作出什麼取態。我個人不太熱衷於政治方面,在大部分議題方面我的路線比較中間偏左。
5. 你為何決定單獨參選?
因為即使我未能組成內閣,我都希望做到我參選的目的,就是希望令人看到香港大學學生會並非像外界看來激進。我希望能令人看到香港大學的學生並不是只得一種思路,大家都有獨立思想,所以即使只有一人亦會參選。
6. 假若四位候選幹事同事當選,如何處理意見分歧?
如果日後四位候選人有幸一同當選,但就不同議題有相反意見的話,我認為政治取態並非港大學生會惟一職務,其他職務例如學生會組織的行政事務、和為學生提供福利、服務學生等等。所以我認為並不會單因為取態不同而辭職,其他事項不可以置之不理。
7. 你的政治光譜/政治立場是什麼?
我個人本身並不太熱衷於參與政治方面,在大部分議題我的立場傾向於中間偏左。
8. 你可否用香港的政治組織/政治人物代表自己?
個人而言我並不激進,所以我認為以前的民主黨可能比較能反映我現在的立場。如果從人物方面我認為湯家驊先生可能比較能反映到我,因為湯家驊先生和我一樣是比較會從多角度處事的人,其次他比較冷靜,不會草率進行評論和反應,而他亦不會就所有事情有既定立場,對不合理或不認該支持的事情他不會基於他泛民主派的立場而違背自己的理念,所以湯家驊先生及以前的公民黨會比較能反映和接近我的政治立場。
9. 你對初一事件的看法?
暫時可見旺角暴動或年初一事件方面,很多人都不太願意承擔自己的責任,而我認為很多參加者都罔顧了香港大眾的聲音和理念,亦危害了其他人的安全,我個人並不支持或同意這件事,如有人對這方面有意見的話,我希望大家能以理性方法表達意見。
10. 你是否支持香港獨立?
首先我不同意和不支持香港獨立。對於香港獨立我有幾點要回應。我不支持香港獨立的原因是因為,我認為香港多年來和中國有關係,香港在多方面亦須要中國的幫助,不論是經濟、社會、還是政策配套,我們都必須和中國有緊密連繫。當然我有不同意中國的政策,如對言論自由的打壓和對人權的打壓等,但我認為不應因反對中國而原全斷絕關係,始終歷史上我們和中國有非常緊密的聯繫,不可以因一些事去全盤否定中國,同時我認為香港獨立在法律上並不合法,所以我不會支持這種不合法的東西出現。因為香港獨立並不合法再加上這事並不合適,所以我並不支持香港獨立。但我認為可在可容許的空間內討論,例如學術層面或政治方面,我認為只要不鼓吹港獨,單純理性討論是可容許的,因為這是一種思想,而思想應可被討論。
11. 你是否同意訂立國歌法?
我認為國歌法的立法原意合理,並且應該,大家只要願意去尊重國歌和願意為自己的行為負責,我認為國歌法的立法有應該要的,因為我認為應尊重國歌。除了利用國歌表達意見外,還有很多意見表達的方式,雖然國歌法有機會收窄了大家的言論自由,但大家仍有其他對中國表達意見的渠道,所以我認為國歌法的影響並非如此誇張。
12. 你是否同意就廿三條法?
暫時短期而言不該對廿三條立法,但如果日後香港社會出現了嚴重的安全問題,而現時的法律制度未能控制,我認為廿三條立法......未必是廿三條立法,但應保障社會安全,加強執法,修改現有法律去增強它的權力、增強它的阻嚇性,希望能保障社會的安全。
Mak Ka Chun Eugene is running as a one-man cabinet in the Annual Election 2019. He is another candidate unit running for a seat in the Union’s Executive Committee, besides Prism, the proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union in Annual Election 2019. Campus TV has interviewed with Mak, with regards to his vision of a one-man cabinet, the reason to run as candidate, and the leakage of his personal videos; he has also elaborated on his disagreeing with Hong Kong independence and supporting the enactment of the National Anthem Bill.
The interview excerpts are as follows:
1. What is your understanding of the post of General Secretary?
I might not have too clear of an understanding about the post of General Secretary, i.e. the duties of the General Secretary of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union.
2. Why did you choose to run for the post of the General Secretary out of other posts?
The reason for running for the General Secretary is because I do not believe I have what it takes to assume the post of the Chairperson (the correct title should be: “President”). I am a rather careful and meticulous person, and my abilities are more in line with the area of the General Secretary, such as word/ document processing, and handling emails.
3. Do you think your incident* about being exposed as a womanizer, and the leakage of your explicit videos have an impact on your election campaign?
I understand that I have left a negative impression on some people from this incident; I would like to apologize to these people, because I have scathed the reputation of the University as a student of the University. In addition, this incident has made me known to public. Objectively speaking, some might consider the incident as a mistake, and that it would not affect my political stance or my service to them (members of the Students’ Union). Meanwhile, I do recognize that this incident has created a negative impression of myself, I will try my best to gain the trust of people from my election campaign.
*Mak Ka Chun Eugene was allegedly exposed as a womanizer, some explicit photos and videos of Mak in a conversation have been leaked by an anonymous account onto Lihkg, a public forum in Hong Kong.
4. What is the position of the Students’ Union in your eyes?
We should take into considerations the various perspectives and stakeholders’ opinions before declaring a stance, therefore I am not sure what I will be standing for should I be elected. Personally, I am not too keen on politics, but I would say that for most issues, I take more of a centre-left position.
5. Why did you decide to run as an independent candidate?
Despite not having formed a cabinet, I wish to fulfill my election aim: I hope to show the society how The Hong Kong University Students’ Union is not as radical and one-sidedly biased as how the society perceives it to be. I hope people could see that the Union has not only one path of thinking, everybody has individual thinking. Therefore, I would run as candidate even if I am doing so alone.
6. Should four proposed candidates of the Executive Committee be elected, how would discrepancy of views be dealt with?
If all four candidates have the honour to be elected, and have disparate views on issues, I think (acting on one’s) political views is not the Union’s only duty, there are other duties including administrative work, representing students, providing students’ welfare etc. Therefore, I do not think I would resign solely over a discrepancy on political views, other duties should not be neglected.
7. Where do you stand on the political spectrum? / How would you define your political stance?
I am not too keen on politics, but I would say that for most issues, I take more of a centre-left position.
8. Could you use a political group or a political figure in Hong Kong to represent yourself?
I think it is quite difficult to say, because Hong Kong’s politics has been so polarizing. Personally, I do not consider myself radical (politically), so I think the earlier Democratic Party better represents my current stance. In terms of a political figure, I think Mr Ronny Tong Ka-wah can better represent me, because like Tong, I know how to handle matters from multiple perspectives. Besides, Tong is a rather collected politician, he knows not to carelessly react and comment; he does not hold a predetermined stance towards issues, and he does not let his pan-democratic background dictate his views on matters that he thinks are unreasonable or not deserving of his support. Therefore, Mr Ronny Tong Ka-wah and the earlier Democratic Party is better proximate and representative of my political stance.
9. What are your views on the Mong Kok Incident in 2016?
What I observe currently about the Mong Kok Riot, or my apologies, it should be the Mong Kok Incident, is that many people are unwilling to bear responsibility for their actions, and I think a lot of the participants (of the incident) were rather reckless and negligent in considering the majority of Hong Kong’s opinion, they have also harmed the safety of many. I personally do not support nor agree with this action. However, I believe all voices should be heard, if anyone has an opinion on an issue, I hope they can convey them in a rational manner.
10. Do you support Hong Kong independence?
Firstly, I do not agree with nor support Hong Kong independence, but I think that the idea itself can be discussed on an academic or political level, as long as we are not encouraging the actualisation of it, we can have purely theoretical discussion because it is like any other thought or ideology that can be discussed. In response to Hong Kong independence, I have a few points to raise.
I do not support Hong Kong independence because I think that Hong Kong has established long years of relationship with China, Hong Kong needs the support of China in multiple areas, no matter economic, social, or policy-wise. We should always have a close connection to China. Certainly, I do not agree with all of China’s policies, for example the oppression of freedom of speech and of human rights, but I do not think we should cut ties with China entirely based on these disagreements. Ultimately, China and we have had a very close affiliation historically. At the same time, I think that Hong Kong independence is not legally justified, so I would not support such an illegal action. Because Hong Kong independence is not legal and not suitable, I do not support it.
11. Do you agree with the enactment of the National Anthem Bill?
I think the motive of the enacting the National Anthem Bill is justified, and (the act) should be encouraged. As long as everyone is willing to respect the national anthem and to bear responsibility for their own actions, I think the enactment of the National Anthem Bill is necessary, because I respect the national anthem. Besides using the national anthem as a form of self-expression (of political opinions or views), there are many other ways to communicate an opinion. Although freedom of speech might be harmed under the enactment of the bill, there are still other methods to convey our opinions about China, so I do not foresee the effect of the National Anthem Bill to be as severe as it is portrayed to be.
12. Do you agree with the enactment of Article 23?
Currently and in the short run, Article 23 should not be enacted. However, if Hong Kong experiences a problem of safety in the future, one that the current legal system has no power to control, I think that it may call for Article 23… not necessarily Article 23, but an enhanced enforcement of the law, the law should be amended to strengthen its power and deterring functions to ensure the safety of our society.
___________________________________
二零一九年度香港大學學生會周年大選其他候選人包括中央幹事會候選內閣蒼傲、校園電視候選內閣、學苑候選編輯委員會及候選普選評議員。
2019年度周年大選中央諮詢大會將於一月二十一日至一月二十五日在中山廣場舉行,時間為下午十二時半至二時半。
Other candidates for the Annual Election 2019 include Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, the Proposed Cabinet of Campus TV, the Proposed Editorial Board of Undergrad, and the Proposed Popularly Elected Union Councillor.
The Central Campaign for Annual Election 2019 will be held from the 21st to 25th of January at the Sun Yat-sen Place, from 12:30 to 14:30.
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